Gandhi and Titus: Dairying, Dandi and Dreams of India

- By Teresa Joseph* & A.M. Thomas#

Abstract

Theverthundiyil Titus was one among the 78 satyagrahis who set forth from Sabarmati Ashram with Mahatma Gandhi on the Dandi Yatra. As the dairy manager of the Ashram, he closely interacted with Gandhi during the period of over five years that he lived there. Gandhi's association with Titus can be assimilated from the Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi as well as Titus' oral accounts as narrated by his son Thomas Titus, and the books authored separately by both father and son. This article attempts to throw light on a brief chapter in the lives of Gandhi and Titus, providing yet another vantage point to understand the various facets of Gandhi's life and philosophy, as well as the writing of history.

Introduction

As one of the satyagrahis who participated in the Dandi Yatra from Sabarmati Ashram, the image of Theverthundiyil Titus (1905 1980) can be seen in the iconic Gyara Murthi sculpture on Sardar Patel Marg in New Delhi. Signifying the Salt March, the sculpture depicts Gandhi walking with a stick followed by ten satyagrahis from different walks of life. Notably Titus was the only Christian among the 78 satyagrahis. As the dairy manager of the Ashram, he had closely interacted with Gandhi and references to him as well as several letters written to him by Gandhi can be found in the Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi. These interactions as well as Titus' own book The Bharat of My Dreams: A Prediction of the Shape of Things to Come, as Visualised as a Dream of the Common Man, and his reflections on his life with Gandhi as retold by his son Thomas Titus provide insights into an understanding of Gandhi and the creation of history.

Theverthundiyil Titus

Titus was born into the Theverthundiyil Molumprathu family which belonged to the Mar Thoma Syrian Christian community, in the village of Maramon in Kerala, in 1905. His son Thomas Titus narrates that his father pursued his education in an English medium school from the eighth standard onwards and was reportedly good in his studies, particularly in the English language. He wanted to pursue his education after matriculation, but for financial reasons, his father insisted that he get himself a job. At the age of sixteen he became a teacher at a school about twenty miles away, where he was also provided food and accommodation, in return for providing tuition to the children of the manager of the school. His older brother had inculcated in him the importance of religion and of reading the Bible. He also ingrained in him the significance of reading the newspaper and introduced him to Mahatma Gandhi who had returned from South Africa and had started the Non-Cooperation Movement.¹

A few years later when the Allahabad Agricultural Institute (run by the Presbyterian Mission) announced a new course titled the Indian Dairy Diploma, Titus applied and subsequently joined the course with a scholarship and free accommodation. He worked part time in the institute in order to meet his other personal needs. He received his diploma in 1927, but continued to stay in the hostel as he was unable to find appropriate employment. He began writing articles on agriculture and dairying which were published by The Pioneer, for which he received a payment of five rupees for each article. Titus' son points out that it was difficult to get a job as in those times scientific breeding of cattle or dairy development was not common in India. However, when the Manager of the Institute's dairy farm was found in an inebriated condition in public, his services were terminated and the Principal immediately appointed Titus as the new manager. Due to its mismanagement, the sales of the farm had decreased, and there was a huge quantity of surplus milk, which needed to be transformed into byproducts. Titus worked hard in this position for two years and succeeded in making the dairy profitable. However, the position of his immediate superior was soon taken over by Hansen, a missionary who according to Titus, was inexperienced and “had all the superiority complexes of a white skinned man."² His son points out that Titus by nature resented any foreigner dominating over him. He resisted Hansen's instructions, and soon resigned from his job despite the pleas of the Principal.

Unemployed again, he returned to writing articles for The Pioneer and reading aloud the newspaper to a visually challenged Englishman for a payment. In 1928 he was appointed by an Anglo-Indian contractor as Manager of the Railway Dairy Farm at Gorakhpur. About a year later, his brother informed him of Gandhi having advertised for a dairy expert in Sabarmati Ashram and of having sent in an application on his behalf.³

Gandhi, Cow Protection and Dairying

On his return from South Africa, Gandhi had set up the Satyagraha Ashram in Kochrab in Ahmedabad in 1915. However, he felt that an Ashram without an orchard, farm or cattle would not be complete and in 1917 the Ashram was shifted to a 36-acre site on the banks of the River Sabarmati and came to be known as the Sabarmati Ashram. By 1928 it consisted of about 132 acres with 277 residents.⁴ Gandhi lived here until the Dandi Yatra of 1930, and besides his well-known interventions in the national arena; he paid particular attention, to questions of cow protection/service, co-operative farming and dairying. But his interest in cow protection/service had emerged much earlier and needs to be seen in the context of his overarching principle of ahimsa.

He wrote in the weekly journal Young India, of which he was the editor, that cow protection takes the human being beyond his species. The cow to him symbolised the entire subhuman world and its protection meant the "protection of the whole dumb creation of God."⁵ He also argued that cow slaughter was very often the cause of Hindu-Muslim tensions. Gandhi specifically listed methods by which the cow could be saved from being killed once it ceased to provide the required quantity of milk or otherwise became an economic burden. For him, behind this lay the principle of ahimsa. Gandhi gradually replaced the words 'goraksha' (cow protection) with 'goseva' (cow service) as he felt that the word goraksha reflected a sense of human pride, although man himself was incompetent to protect and was in need of protection by God, the protector of all life. In 1927 he was elected as Chairman of the All India Cow Protection Association.⁶

Gandhi explained that Sabarmati Ashram believed in goseva, which stood for the service of all sub-human life. The children in the Ashram were also given training in cattle rearing and dairy farming.⁷ Gandhi had become particularly interested in dairying during his stay in Bangalore in June 1927 while convalescing from apoplexy.⁸ He regularly visited the National Imperial Dairy Research Institute and became acquainted with breeding cows and dairy technology. He studiously took notes during these visits and wrote extensively on cow breeding in Young India.

Titus: Satyagraha Ashram's Dairy Manager

It is in this background that one needs to understand Gandhi's interactions with Titus. In response to the application submitted by his brother, Titus was called for an interview at Sabarmati Ashram. On reaching the Ashram, he was escorted to a room where Gandhi was seated on the floor with his spinning wheel. Continuing to spin, Gandhi stated that he wanted Titus, as an expert dairy manager, to take charge of the Ashram dairy and manage it scientifically and hygienically. The milk was to meet the needs of 250 inmates of the Ashram. Besides the dairy work, Titus was informed that he would also have to help in the kitchen for two hours a day, and wash all the toilets whenever his turn came. In response to Titus' question about whether he would receive a salary, Gandhi stated that in the Ashram all were equal and all expenses would be met from the common fund. Only vegetarian food could be handled and consumed. When Titus pointed out that he needed to send his father some money, Gandhi asked for his name and address, stating that he would make arrangements for some money to be sent to him every month. Gandhi further informed him that he would have to observe celibacy while staying in the Ashram. Titus again queried as to whether this had to be observed throughout his life, to which Gandhi responded that after a few years he would be sent to do dairy development work in other places, where there would not be such a restriction. But in the Ashram, even married couples slept separately.⁹

Gandhi considered brahmacharya to be a sine qua non for a life devoted to service and defined a brahmachari as "one who controls his organs of sense in thought, word and deed."¹⁰ For him brahmacharya was a complete mastery or restraint of all the senses, not mere abstention from sexual intercourse. He felt that "those who want to perform national service, or those who want to have a glimpse of the real religious life, must lead a celibate life, no matter if married or unmarried."¹¹ Psychoanalyst, Erik Erikson relates Gandhi's views with his feelings of guilt about fulfilling his sexual needs at the time of the demise of his father. This incident inculcated in Gandhi the belief that his sexual activities were in conflict with his duty to nurse others.¹² Rudolph and Rudolph argue that he generalized this belief over time into the view that a life governed by desire conflicts with one governed by duty.¹³

Titus asked for a few days' time to take a decision, to which Gandhi readily agreed, advising him to visit the goshala before leaving. A few days later, Titus sent a letter of acceptance to Gandhi stating that he would join after a period of one month which he required to visit his family. Titus joined the Ashram on 20 October 1929, and was given a short haircut, khadi clothes, a charka, plate, katori and glass. His routine began at 3.00 a.m. when he had to get the cows milked and then record the quantity and purity of the milk, before proceeding with the distribution. All inmates of the Ashram were considered equal and shared all responsibilities. Spinning was a compulsory daily activity and the quantity of spun material was recorded to see if the spinner was sincere in his task.¹⁴

Life in the Ashram was clearly reflective of that in the Phoenix Settlement which Gandhi had set up in South Africa after reading John Ruskin's Unto This Last, being influenced by the ideas of simple living and equality of labour that the book expounded. After his return to India, spinning and the use of khadi came to symbolise an alternative economic and political system.

Titus' son, Thomas Titus recalls an incident narrated by his father, about a love letter between two inmates reaching Gandhi's hands. He was shocked at the violation of the Ashram rules and after the evening prayers, he spoke on questions of morality. He felt that such behaviour was taking place due to his own sins, and stated that if this was if repeated, he would immolate himself! However, according to Titus such activities continued furtively.¹⁵ This is again reflective of experiences in Phoenix Settlement and Tolstoy Farm, and the manner in which Gandhi handled such situations.

In 1929 with the strengthening of the freedom struggle, the management of the dairy was made independent of Sabarmati Ashram, to insulate it from the problems of the Ashram. Yet Gandhi continued to be very interested in the activities of the dairy and came to be closely associated with Titus, reportedly sending his father Rs. 5/- every month and writing to inform him that his son was doing well.¹⁶ Titus in turn, became attracted to the freedom struggle. He was sometimes witness to discussions on the struggle and the future course of action with regard to the Civil Disobedience Movement.

Dandi Yatra

It was at this juncture that the Dandi Yatra against the Salt Act which prohibited Indians from making salt, was being conceptualised by Gandhi as part of the Civil Disobedience Movement. Gandhi deemed the Salt Act to be a perfect example of colonial exploitation and the Salt Satyagraha proved to be a defining moment of the freedom struggle. Once it was decided upon, there was difficulty in choosing the first batch of satyagrahis, as many people including leaders from different parts of India were eager to enlist themselves. There were nearly 200 inmates in Sabarmati Ashram itself.¹⁷ Gandhi made it clear in Young India of 27 February 1930 that his intention was "to start the movement only through the inmates of the Ashram and those who have submitted to its discipline and assimilated the spirit of its methods."¹⁸ He further warned that only those who were bold enough to risk their lives during the satyagraha should continue in the Ashram, and that those who wanted to leave could do so with his permission. Several members left the next day. Some of them advised Titus also to do so. However, according to his son, Titus wrote to Gandhi: "I am not as perfect as you expect, but every day I endeavour to follow your footsteps and try to get closer to perfection. I entrust myself to God's hands. If you are not satisfied, please permit me to leave." According to Thomas Titus, Gandhi replied: "I only want you all to make daily efforts to achieve perfection. I am happy that you are all trying your best. Join me for the Dandi March."¹⁹

Interestingly, although women in the Ashram expressed their desire to join the march, Gandhi felt that it would be cowardice for men to have women accompany them as the British do not attack women. He further stated that "there are certain activities which are meant only for women. Prohibition and boycott of foreign cloth are such activities."²⁰ No women were included among the 78 satyagrahis, but ironically, it was the Non Cooperation and Civil Disobedience Movements that played a pivotal role in drawing women into the public sphere in India.

Several days before the march, a few children in the Ashram were afflicted with small pox. Doctors advised Gandhi to get all the inmates vaccinated. However, on realising that the anti viral vaccine was extracted from cows, he opposed the idea and informed the inmates that those who had no faith in him could go outside the Ashram and get vaccinated. However, according to Thomas Titus, his father and many others remained in the Ashram without getting vaccinated.²¹

At a prayer meeting at the Ashram on 12 March, Gandhi revealed that he had taken a pledge not to return to the Ashram until independence was achieved, calling upon all the inmates also "to return here only as dead men or winners of swaraj."²²

Mahadev Desai, who served as Gandhi's personal secretary, published in Young India of 12 March 1930, a list of the first batch of 79 satyagrahis including Gandhi who were to set forth on the Dandi Yatra from Sabarmati Ashram. This list is followed by a section titled "Who's Who" wherein he provides a very brief description of each one of them. He points out that as most of them were ashram inmates, religious, caste and provincial boundaries had no significance. However, he reveals that the list specifies the community, province and occupation of each marcher which had been prepared purely for this publication. The entry for Titus reads: "Christian, Diploma of the Indian Dairy Department, Worker in Cow Service Association."²³ Desai points out that there were two Muslims and one Christian in the group, the remaining being Hindus. Titus was the only Christian among them.

This list from Young India was reproduced in Appendix II of volume 43 of the Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi with due acknowledgement of the source but not the author. It denotes 4 persons, all aged 25, from the present state of Kerala as – Raghavanji, Titusji, Krishna Nair, and Sankaran.²⁴ (Their full names being N.P.Raghavan, a student of khadi; C.Krishnan Nair, a graduate of Jamia Milia Islamia and student of khadi; and Sankaran Ezhuthachan, a student of khadi). Most literature on Titus, including government sources, maintain that he was given the honorific title Titusji by Gandhi who called him so.²⁵ However, the above-mentioned list is the only place in the Collected Works which refers to Titus as Titusji, and notably this list was taken from Young India and had been created and published by Mahadev Desai. None of Gandhi's letters or references to Titus in the Collected Works refer to him as Titusji, but rather as Titus. The only deviation from this being a letter to Shankerlal Banker in September 1933, wherein Gandhi refers to Titus as 'Bhai Titus'.²⁶

Titus participated in the Salt March with Gandhi, walking over three weeks to reach the seaside village of Dandi and break the salt law. Unlike the other marchers, he did not wear the Gandhi topi during the march. Although complaints arose, Gandhi responded that he could not compel Titus to do so as he himself did not wear one. Titus recalled that when his feet became swollen and painful, Gandhi advised him on how to alleviate the pain. If anyone fell ill, they were left behind and if possible had to catch up later with the others. But they were not permitted to return to the Ashram having vowed not to do so until India got independence. The march was treated as a pilgrimage, with everyone maintaining strict discipline, eating frugal food provided by the villagers and sleeping in the open, besides continuing with their mandatory spinning and prayers. At Dandi, Titus, together with others fetched buckets full of sea water and boiled it till the water evaporated and white layers of salt remained. They were severely beaten up and arrested. Titus was imprisoned for six months in the prisons at Yervada, Nasik and Jalali.²⁷

Gandhi, Titus and Sabarmati

Following the Dandi Yatra, as well as spells of imprisonment, and travels across the country as well as abroad - to London, France and Italy, Gandhi shifted his residence to Wardha in Maharashtra, at the invitation of Jamnalal Bajaj. This was in keeping with his resolve not to return to Sabarmati Ashram until India attained independence. Notwithstanding the list of marchers in which Titus is mentioned, no communication between Gandhi and Titus or any mention of Titus can be found in the Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi until after the Dandi Yatra.

Gandhi's first written reference to Theverthundyil Titus, found in the Collected Works is a reply to a letter sent by N.P. Raghavan (one of the Dandi Yatra satyagrahis) from Payannur in Kerala, dated 7 June 1931. Gandhi enquires about Titus, adding that he had been informed that they all felt unwanted and weary there, and if that was the case they could return to the Ashram.²⁸

Titus thus returned to Sabarmati Ashram and continued to manage the goshala there for the next four years. He met Gandhi regularly to obtain advice on the activities of the dairy farm. Gandhi in the meantime had continued to write on dairying. In his Ashram Observances in Action, which he wrote in 1932 while he was in Yervada jail, an entire chapter is devoted to dairying. He stated that the Ashram believed that the cow would pay for its keep if she was treated well and her products fully utilised. He felt that all goshalas should be organised scientifically and religiously, and that if cows were well kept, they would be capable of greater production. Even dead cattle needed to be fully utilised and consequently tanning was introduced in the Ashram.²⁹

Most of Gandhi's subsequent references to Titus can be found in Gandhi's correspondence with Narandas Gandhi, a nephew of his who lived in Sabarmati Ashram since 1919 and became its manager in 1928. In July 1932 in response to a letter from Narandas, Gandhi directs him to do whatever he thought proper regarding Titus, and to pay him if he was fully satisfied with his work. However, a few months later, he tells Narandas that it was improper for Titus to overstay his leave, as the Ashram rules were applicable to all inmates.³⁰ At the same time, reflective of his sense of justice, he points out that if the reasons for such behaviour were known, the inmates could be judged better. He therefore proceeds with the instruction not to enforce the rules immediately with Titus, but from henceforth.

Thomas Titus narrates that on one of his father's visits to Kerala to meet his grandfather, Titus burnt British made clothing and gave a fiery speech in Kottayam calling on the people to rise against the colonial rule.³¹

On 25 March 1933, in his first of several letters to Titus, Gandhi lists out 15 questions regarding the cleanliness of the cows, cowsheds and the process of milking, as well as the cleanliness of the milkmen, utensils, trainers, place of milking, and so on. He also enquires about the timings of milking, the use of dung and urine for manure, the average quantity of milk obtained per day, the highest and lowest yield of a single cow, and the quantity of milk being sold.³² His concern about the calves was evident in the query whether they were being given their share of milk. Gandhi's eye for detail and complete immersion in his causes can be seen.

A few weeks later, on receiving Titus' reply, Gandhi again writes to him, applauding him for his letter and giving several suggestions in response to Titus' answers to his questions. He further adds that he does not want to give Titus more work than necessary, but that the dairy should be a first class model dairy of its kind. The letter goes on to address Titus' request to introduce homeopathy in the Ashram. He points out that he had never been able to take kindly to it, but his ideal was to be independent of outside medical assistance. Hence, he states that if Titus had accurate knowledge and the time to spare, he did not mind homeopathy being introduced. But it should be done in consultation with Narandas and others responsible. Two weeks later, Gandhi again writes to Titus clarifying his stance on homeopathy. While he preferred it to allopathy; he had no personal experience of its efficacy. He reiterates that if Titus had the confidence in himself and the time to spare, he had no objection to him trying it.³³ Here again one can see Gandhi's openness to dialogue and suggestions and his willingness to engage with new ideas. As he stated: "I am not at all concerned with appearing to be consistent. In my pursuit after Truth, I have discarded many ideas and learnt many new things."³⁴

Gandhi subsequently wrote to Narandas that he liked the suggestions given in Titus' report, and that all that appeared to be good should be implemented. He also stated that Titus should be given an assistant. He further pointed out that accounts relating to Titus' work should be kept separately under Narandas' supervision.³⁵

Gandhi had always insisted on transparent handling of public funds, whether it was in the context of the Natal Indian Congress or Phoenix Settlement or Tolstoy Farm. Even in his personal life, his autobiography reveals his meticulous keeping of accounts right from his student days. Details of finances and accounts of the various institutions and causes that he was associated with can be seen scattered throughout the Collected Works.

On 26 July 1933, soon after his release from prison, Gandhi announced his intention to disband Sabarmati Ashram. He wrote to the Home Secretary of the Government of Bombay that since the government clearly did not seek or desire peace, the struggle would become more prolonged and required more sacrifice from the people. As the author of the movement, the greatest sacrifice was required from him. He therefore offered what was "nearest and dearest" to him - the land and buildings of Sabarmati Ashram in which he had worked for the last eighteen years. He added that every head of cattle and every tree had its history and sacred association. They were all members of one big family. He thus announced that he was disbanding Sabarmati Ashram and wished to give it to the government, on the condition that everything was to be used for public purposes. If the government did not wish to take over all the movables, these would be distributed to various organisations. Gandhi did not receive any response from the government and the Ashram was finally handed over to the Harijan Sevak Sangh on 30 September 1933. On behalf of the Ashram and the Goseva Sangh of which he was the President, Gandhi entrusted the dairy and cattle to Shankerlal Banker, telling him to manage it as a public undertaking. He further added that Titus would be working as manager of the dairy and as secretary and would be paid a monthly allowance of Rs. 75/-.³⁶

Gandhi informed Sardar Vallabhai Patel that the Ashram dairy was being run near Kankaria, with Titus in charge of it, and Banker exercising general supervision, and that it was running fairly well. A few months later, Gandhi instructs Narandas that no one should interfere with Titus' work. "When we have handed over a thing for somebody to manage, we may give only as much help as he may ask for. To take interest in what we have given away is like sacrificing oneself for the sake of the dead."³⁷

A few months later, Titus married Annamma, a school student at the time, who was twelve years younger than him. Although she expressed her desire to continue her studies, Titus disagreed. On reaching Ahmedabad, a few days later, they were permitted to stay in Gandhi's house for a few days as he was away from the Ashram at the time. But this arrangement was subject to the condition that they would not sleep together. Thomas Titus narrates that at the Ashram, Gandhi demanded that she give him her ornaments consisting of four gold bangles and a gold necklace. Annamma initially refused, but relented on Titus' persuasion. A similar situation took place about cleaning the toilets,³⁸ an experience that is reminiscent of his own insistence on Kasturba cleaning the chamber pot of a guest in their home in South Africa.

Thomas Titus writes that with his mother with him, his father began to neglect his duties, leaving more to his assistants. Although he later sent her home to Kerala with a friend, he was heartbroken and could not sleep for days.³⁹

A reading of the Collected Works reveals that matters relating to the dairy had begun to take a turn by June 1934. Gandhi wrote to Narandas asking him to think over the problems of the dairy and to ensure that the work there was not neglected. He instructs him to write to Titus and tell him that he should attend to things at the right time, without spending time away from the dairy as he wished. Yet it is interesting that a few weeks later, Gandhi in a letter to Narandas suggests the names of Shankerlal, Ambalbhai, Ranchhodbhai and Titus to be trustees of the dairy if it was to be run independently. He explained that he had omitted the names of those who were likely to be imprisoned.⁴⁰

Reporting on Gandhi's visit to Kerala in 1934, the Malayalam newsweekly Nasrani Deepika states that when he was in Kottayam on 18 January Gandhi enquired about Titus' father and told his brother that it would be possible to meet his father in Changanacherry. On 21 January Titus' father met Gandhi in Thiruvananthapuram.⁴¹ The present authors have not been able to trace any other historical documents referring to their meeting. However, Thomas Titus writes that Gandhi called upon his grandfather at his home and assured him that his son was doing well at Sabarmati.⁴²

In October 1934 Gandhi wrote to Parikh enquiring into reports that the working of the dairy was steadily deteriorating, and to examine its working. He also wrote to Narandas enquiring about the cause of "so much loss" in the dairy, calling for suggestions on the future course of action.⁴³ In a subsequent letter to Ambalal Sarabhai, Gandhi accedes that the loss to the dairy over the last year had indeed been very heavy and that he was looking into the matter. He requests Ambalal to meet the loss up to December, clarifying that he did not intend to run the dairy at a loss for over a year. He made it clear that in "all public activities under my charge throughout my life, I have always tried to balance the two sides. I do not hesitate to incur a loss when I think it necessary to do so, but then I do it knowingly."⁴⁴ Не also made it clear to G.V.Mavalankar that if the dairy did not succeed even after so much loss had been borne for five years, it would be wound up. It is evident from his subsequent letter to Parikh that Mavalankar and Ranchodbhai gave him money for the dairy and that Ambalbhai intended to pay for the losses till 31 December.⁴⁵

This period also saw a visible change in the tone of Gandhi's letters to Titus. He asks for the accounts, to explain how losses had been incurred and reprimands Titus for his request for arrangements being made while he was away from the dairy. He also refers to reports that the cattle were looking miserable. At the same time, he commends Titus' suggestions for rearrangements in the dairy pointing out that they were worthy of consideration. However, he cautions that these suggestions needed to be discussed with Narandas, Shankerlal and Parikh and an informed decision taken. A few weeks later, he responds to Titus' letter, accepting his explanation on the status of the cows. He also reveals that he was attracted to the suggestion to move the dairy to Biraj, but queries whether the matter had not been discussed with Narandas. He further revealed that he was making arrangements for the prompt payment for the money that was lost.⁴⁶ Gandhi's confusion regarding Titus again emerges in his subsequent letter to Narandas in April 1935 to which is attached a report from Ramanlal. He asks Narandas to go to Sabarmati Ashram for a few days, immediately, if possible, to inspect the accounts to help him decide on the future course of action. He asks: "Is Titus inefficient or dishonest, or is Ramanlal's letter without basis."⁴⁷ A few days later he again writes to Narandas to "do something about the inspection of Titus' work and finish with it."⁴⁸

Gandhi's approach to Titus is further revealed in his subsequent letter to Parikh two weeks later. Gandhi informs him that he had written to Titus asking him to hand over charge immediately. Following this, he was to wait there until the arrival of Narandas, and then proceed to join Gandhi. He further queries: "Do you have any suspicion regarding his integrity? If possible, I wish to keep him with us. Please therefore guide me."⁴⁹

Gandhi also wrote to Narandas, informing him that Titus had been relieved from Sabarmati Ashram, adding that "Narahari has no trust at all in his ability. I have called him here. If he comes, I will keep him and watch him. In any case you should go and look into his accounts."⁵⁰ He later makes it clear to Narandas that if the dairy at the ashram cannot be retained, Titus could go. He again asks Parikh to inform him as to whether Titus had handed over charge and assures him that he would write to Titus again if he had not done so. Two weeks later, Gandhi again wrote to Narandas clarifying that Titus had not gone on leave, but had left the Ashram, elaborating that he had been paid rail fare for the journey. Although he had agreed to keep Titus at Wardha, the latter did not seem to be very eager, responding that he would reply from Travancore. Gandhi further reveals that he had refused to give Titus a note of recommendation.⁵¹

Referring to this later part of his father's life in the ashram, Thomas Titus writes that Titus visited Gandhi in Wardha and requested for a few days leave to visit his family in Kerala. Gandhi agreed, going on to tell him that he wanted to start a dairy farm in Wardha and asked him to select a place for it. Titus informed Gandhi the next day that as Wardha was a very barren place, it was not appropriate to start a cattle farm there. However, in the presence of Mirabehn (formerly Madeline Slade), Gandhi reportedly responded: "We have already decided. We have to start the farm here. If you decide to join you have to serve under Mirabehn." Titus' son elaborates that his father was astonished that after all his experiences of racial discrimination in South Africa and his struggle against British domination, Gandhi was asking his disciple, a dairy expert to work under a novice, who was ironically British. Titus responded that he did not think he could work under her. To Gandhi's question as to whether he did not trust him, Titus responded that it was the other way round. Gandhi did not reply and Titus left the Ashram to return to Kerala by January 1935.⁵² The present authors have not been able to validate this interaction in any of the historical documents and writings on Gandhi during this period. Gandhi's letters to Narandas and Narahari D. Parikh, as found in the Collected Works refer to Titus as still being with the dairy until April 1935.⁵³

In any case, an important point missed in the whole episode as narrated above by Thomas Titus was that for Gandhi it was never about people but about principles. Gandhi had no enemies, only adversaries. He fought against the British Empire but not the British people and valued his close relations with them. Furthermore, a larger understanding of the issues involved here requires mention.

After the Dandi Yatra, Gandhi was left without a home and on the invitation of Jamnalal Bajaj had extended stays in Wardha in an ashram founded and funded by Bajaj. When Gandhi finally moved to Wardha, Bajaj gave him a house and an orange orchard that was situated on the outskirts of the village. It was around this time that Mirabehn expressed her desire to Gandhi to relocate to a village further from Wardha.⁵⁴

The daughter of an admiral of the British Navy, Mirabehn had decided to visit Gandhi in India after reading Romain Rolland's book on him. She trained herself for a year - becoming a vegetarian, teetotaller, learning Urdu, subscribing to Young India, reading the Hindu epics, using khadi, learning to spin etc, in order to be able to fit into Gandhi's Ashram. She came to India in 1925 and continued to live in the country for the next 31 years. At their first meeting, Gandhi gave her the name Mirabehn and later told her that he would be her father and mother. She became an integral part of Sabarmati Ashram and Gandhi's life as well as his political interventions – participating in the Civil Disobedience Movement, being arrested and imprisoned on several occasions, accompanying Gandhi to the Round Table Conference in London in 1931, and serving as his emissary to the Viceroy. However, her real interest since childhood had been the world of nature.⁵⁵

Gandhi agreed to her request to relocate. After surveying the surrounding villages, Mirabehn selected Segaon, where a large portion of the land was owned by Bajaj and more than half the population consisted of "harijans”⁵⁶. It was situated approximately eight kilometres from Wardha and was later renamed Sevagram.

According to Thomas Titus' narrative, read in conjunction with the Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, it could have been at this juncture that Gandhi's discussion with Titus in the presence of Mirabehn took place. Mirabehn was soon joined by other followers of Gandhi in Sevagram and later by Gandhi himself in 1936. However, for reasons of health, she subsequently moved to live in a hut in Veroda village on a hillside. Gandhi's description of her living abode is itself very revealing of the kind of values that they shared. He referred to it as being: "not merely a hut. It is a poem. I saw the villager's mentality about everything in it."⁵⁷

The last reference to Titus in the Collected Works is in Gandhi's letter to Parikh in February 1937 stating that Titus had requested for a certificate from him to help him secure a job, but that he had responded with the query as to what use a certificate from him would be in a technical matter.⁵⁸

From 1937 to 1943 Titus reportedly worked as Manager of the Municipal Dairy in Ooty and later moved on to manage dairies in Pune, New Delhi, Bhopal and Bhilai. His last project was the setting up of a dairy in the Hindustan Motors township in West Bengal. He had settled in Bhopal in 1948 and was a strong advocate of khadi which he wore till his last days in 1980. He was a deeply religious person and donated 29 acres of land to the Mar Thoma church there. At the same time, he had no qualms in telling the Bishop of his community that he did not want to go "to a Christian heaven which has no place for Gandhiji."⁵⁹

The Bharat of My Dreams

Gandhi's influence on Titus is most evident from the book that the latter wrote in 1968: The Bharat of My Dreams: A Prediction of the Shape of Things to Come, as Visualised as a Dream of the Common Man.⁶⁰ In fact, he writes in the Preface that the work was a humble attempt to take up the thread where it was left on 30 January 1948, the date of Gandhi's martyrdom. The title of the book as well as the thoughts on which it is based are themselves reminiscent of Gandhi's oft quoted statement: "I shall work for an India, in which the poorest shall feel that it is their country in whose making they have an effective voice; an India in which there shall be no high class and low class of people; an India in which all communities shall live in perfect harmony.... This is the India of my dreams."⁶¹

The book opens with a dedication written on 2 October 1968, which is self-explanatory of the perspective behind the publication:

This little book is humbly dedicated to,
Him who is downtrodden and exploited,
Who does not live, but eke out a mere existence,
Who makes a daily struggle to live...⁶³

The book is interspersed with quotations of Gandhi with the title page quoting him that "if everyone lived by the sweat of his brow, the earth would be a paradise." So also, the preface opens with Gandhi's words: "If we could see our dream of true democracy being realised we would regard the humblest and the lowest Indian, as being equal to the tallest in the land."63

Titus reveals that his few years of association with Gandhi had taught him the "great ideal of equality and life of what is called, 'labour sustenance.''"⁶⁴ The Preface concludes by quoting Gandhi: that "God created man to work for his food, and said that those who ate without work were thieves."⁶⁵ Titus argues that the common man dreams of liberation from the yoke of capitalists, the tyranny of officials, the weight of soaring prices and economic depredation. He points out that the aim of the book was to show how the dream of the common man could be realised in a peaceful manner. He gives a clarion call to rise and shake off their shackles, to find a way to move out of the existing impasse.

The style of the book again brings to mind Gandhi's Hind Swaraj.⁶⁶ While the latter is in the form of a dialogue between the reader and the editor, Titus' book is an imaginary travelogue and conversation between the author and a guide. Travelling in his dreams through a city and a village, Titus visualises what Gandhi theorised. The book discusses the sights that he sees on this imaginary journey. One gets the impression that these are a revelation of Gandhi's ideas when put into actual practice.

Titus' dreams lead him to a village. During a walk through the cornfields, he finds all classes of people, not just village peasants, but even the wife of the District Commissioner working in the fields. The guide explains that the state system of compulsory labour resulted in a happy union of intellectuals and workers. The latter felt more dignified in their labour, while the former introduced improved methods whereby production increased and there was no scarcity, malnutrition or starvation. Children were looked after free of charge by state run nurseries. Eateries were owned and managed by the state for the workers, who could eat there free of charge or alternatively get free ration. The principle was that those who work have the right to eat and lead a comfortable life.

Villages were remodelled with small well built homes. Almost every third village had a school, a hospital, a home for the aged and the disabled, and a dairy farm. There were no privately owned transportation systems. Conservation of organic manure, open tube wells, small scale cottage industries, barter system and land given to the tiller were other highlights. Titus concludes this section on the revolutionization of villages with Gandhi's statement: "If you really want to see India at its best, you have to find it in the humble village homes."⁶⁷

The guide further elaborates about the collective farming system where excess fruits, dairy, poultry, and so on were given after barter to the Cooperative Barter Bank to be exchanged for credit notes to buy requirements. All transactions were through the exchange of commodities rather than money.

Education followed a 'teaching as they do' system, and was such that children were taught to be self-sufficient while working in the fields, garden and kitchen. An eight-year-old would know cooking and washing. No particular religious teaching was adopted, except that there is only one God whom all should love and worship. All were sent to the world to lead lives of truth, love and simplicity. Importance was given to character building.

Titus' travels lead him to the jail or 'District Reformatory' as it was called. Prisoners led a normal life and were given all comforts as ordinary citizens, with only their freedom being restricted. The idea behind imprisonment was not to torment but reform. Capital punishment did not exist. Since trials were self-conducted, there were no delays. The state had legal consultants whom the judge could consult, but there were no lawyers or formal courts of law. All cases were settled through arbitration or the people's court, with a right to appeal.

Moving on to visit a city, Titus finds that they had become ghost cities. The drain of wealth and resources to cities had ended, thereby discouraging the influx of population to them. Those who remained in the cities had to take care of their own affairs.

The book concludes with Titus categorically stating that there will not be peace and contentment in the world unless there is equality and fairness for all. He also adds that books should not be made for profit, and hence the cost of his book would be the cost of production. It is interesting to note that the manuscript of the book was corrected by the eminent writer Ruskin Bond, whom Titus duly acknowledges.

Conclusion

Titus' personal association with Gandhi during his stay in Sabarmati Ashram had a deep impact on his life, especially in his later years, as evident from the book that he wrote in 1968, thirty three years after he had left the ashram. Gandhi's ideals of equality and labour sustenance particularly appealed to him. Notwithstanding certain discrepancies in the narratives surrounding Titus, his role in the Dandi Yatra, as well as the Sabarmati Ashram dairy farm and his engagement with Gandhi are indisputable. Their interactions, as viewed from a larger perspective, and as revealed through the Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi as well as the narratives of Titus, reflect on various aspects of Mahatma Gandhi's philosophy. These range from questions of ahimsa to brahmacharya, the search for truth, vegetarianism, bread labour, simple living, goseva and so on. It also reflected on his life and the nature of his interaction with others, including elements of what Madhu Kishwar refers to as the bias of a 'benevolent patriarch,⁶⁸ his stricture for financial accountability, his style of leadership and sense of discipline, his openness to new ideas and his struggles being against policies and principles rather than against people per se.

Notes and Preferences

1. Thomas Titus, Gandhiji, Titusji and the Dandi March, Bhopal: Thomas Titus, 2015), p.16.
2. Ibid., p.27.
3. Ibid., p.30.
4. See The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi (hereinafter referred to as CWMG) vol.50, p.193; Ramachandra Guha, Gandhi: The Years that Changed the World (Gurgaon: Penguin Random House, 2018), p.297.
5. CWMG, vol.21, p.248.
6. See CWMG, vol.50, p.230; CWMG, vol.55, p.407; CWMG, vol.33, p.244.
7. M.K.Gandhi, Ashram Observances in Action (Ahmedabad: Navajivan Trust, 1955), pp.54-57.
8. D.G. Tendulkar, Mahatma: Life of Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, Volume Two: 1920-1929 (New Delhi: Publications Division, Government of India, 2016a), p.266.
9. Thomas Titus, 2015, op.cit., pp.31-2. GANDHI MARG
10. M.K. Gandhi, 1955, op. cit., pp.5, 24-5; CWMG, vol. 25, pp.133-4.
11. CWMG, vol.13, p.229.
12. Erik H. Erikson, Gandhi's Truth: On the Origins of Militant Nonviolence (London: Faber and Faber, 1970), p.97.
13. Lloyd I. Rudolph and Susanne Hoeber Rudolph, Postmodern Gandhi and Other Essays (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2006), p.217.
14. Thomas Titus, 2015, op.cit., pp.34-8.
15. Ibid.
16. Thomas Titus, "My father said No to Bapu", The Week, 7 March 2020, accessed on 20 January 2024, Thomas Titus, 2015, op. cit., p.38.
17. See D.G. Tendulkar, Mahatma: Life of Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, Volume Three: 1930-1934 (New Delhi: Publications Division, Government of India, 2016 b), p. 20; Thomas Weber, On the Salt March: The Historiography of Mahatma Gandhi's March to Dandi (New Delhi: Rupa, 2009), p.112.
18. CWMG, vol.42, pp.497-8.
19. Thomas Titus, 2015, op. cit., p.43.
20. CWMG, vol.43, pp.13, 251.
21. Thomas Titus, 2015, op. cit., p.44.
22. CWMG, vol.43, p.60.
23. Mahadev Desai, "The First Batch," Young India, 12 March 1930, pp.90-91, accessed on 20 January 2024.
24. CWMG, vol.43, p.455.
25. For instance, see Ministry of Culture, Government of India, "Unsung Heroes Detail: Paying Tribute to India's Freedom Fighters: Titus Thevarthundiyil", accessed on 3 February 2024; All India Radio, "National Programme of Features: Titusji- Bapu's Foot Soldier," 2014, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=m2WyRJTaRgc, accessed on 3 February 2024; AIR News, "Azadi Ka Safar", accessed on 3 February 2024; Shashi Tharoor, "Tharoor Line: Don't Imitate Pak's Prejudices", 21 July 2022, accessed on 3 February 2024.
26. CWMG, vol.92, p.411.
27. Thomas Titus, 2015, op.cit., p.48.
28. CWMG, vol.92, p.262.
29. M.K.Gandhi, 1955, op.cit. pp.55-57.
30. See CWMG, vol.50, pp.146, 313; CWMG, vol.53, p.217.
31. Thomas Titus, 2015, op.cit. p.49.
32. CWMG, vol.54, p.198.
33. Ibid., p.305.
34. CWMG, vol.55, p.61.
35. CWMG, vol.55, p.87.
36. See CWMG, vol.55, pp.301-5; CWMG, vol.56, pp.27, 39, 65-6; CWMG, vol.92, p.411.
37. See CWMG, vol.56, p.26; CWMG, vol.57, p.341.
38. Thomas Titus, 2015, op.cit., pp.51-54.
39. Ibid., p.55.
40. See CWMG, vol.58, pp.59, 210.
41. "Gandhijiude Kochi-Thiruvithamkoor (Malayalam) Nasrani Deepika, 24 January 1934. Sandarshanam,"
42. Thomas Titus, 2020, op. cit.; Thomas Titus, 2015, op.cit. p.51.
43. See CWMG, vol.59, pp.117, 123.
44. Ibid., p.202.
45. Ibid., pp.417, 432.
46. CWMG, vol.59, pp.167, 288.
47. CWMG, vol.60, pp. 342, 411.
48. CWMG, vol.61, p.5.
49. Ibid., p.11.
50. Ibid., p.12.
51. Ibid., pp.13, 43, 91.
52. Thomas Titus, 2015, op. cit., pp.55-6.
53. CWMG, vol.61, pp.11- 13, 91.
54. See Narayan Desai, My Life is My Message III: Satyapath (1930 – 40) (Hyderabad: Orient Blackswan, 2009), p.210-11; Sushila Nayar, Mahatma Gandhi: Volume VII: Preparing for Swaraj (Ahmedabad: Navajivan Publishing House, 1996), p.365.
55. B.R. Nanda, In Search of Gandhi: Essays and Reflections (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2004), pp.177-83.
56. Sushila Nayar 1996, op.cit. p. 369; Narayan Desai, 2009, op. cit., p.211.
57. See Narayan Desai, 2009, op.cit., p.213.
58. CWMG, vol.64, p.341.
59. Thomas Titus, 2015, op. cit., pp.66-7.
60. T. Titus, The Bharat of My Dreams: A Prediction of the Shape of Things to Come, as Visualised as a Dream of the Common Man (Bhopal: T.Titus, 1968).
61. CWMG, vol.47, p.388. Italics added.
62. T. Titus, 1968, op.cit.
63. Ibid., p.i.
64. Ibid., p.ii.
65. Ibid., p.iii.
66. M.K. Gandhi, Hind Swaraj or Indian Home Rule (Ahmedabad: Navajivan Publishing House, 1939).
67. T. Titus, 1968, op.cit., p.19.
68. Madhu Kishwar, "Gandhi on Women," Economic and Political Weekly, 20, 40 (5 October 1985), p.1701.

This article was originally published in Gandhi Marg, Volume 46, Number 2, July-September 2024.