Mahatma Gandhi in Mainland China: Early 1980s-Late 1990s

By Shang Quanyu*

Abstract

The early interest in Mahatma Gandhi in mainland China began in early 1920s when Gandhi launched the first all India non-violent non-cooperation movement in 1920-1922. Since then up to present day Chinese interest in Gandhi has undergone several stages. This paper focuses on the first two decades of the third stage from early 1980s to late 1990s, from both a synchronical and diachronical perspective to uncover its courses, contexts, themes and features.

Introduction

Gandhi studies worldwide has been growing in both quantity and quality with the passage of time. The impressive body of works on Mahatma Gandhi produced so far include over 800 books, covering nearly all aspects of his life, deciphering every dimension of his mind, whether his religious views, his non violence, ‘Satyagraha’ strategy, his asceticism, or even his “fads” and foibles. The early interest in Gandhi in mainland China began in early 1920s. Since then, Gandhi studies in China has undergone almost a century-long course of development with several ups and downs. However, a systematic overview of the development and achievement of Gandhi studies in China is yet to be written. The wanting in such an overview is not only detrimental to the future development of Gandhi studies inside China but also leads to information gaps among foreign scholars in the same field about the works of their Chines colleagues. A comprehensive and systematic overview of the development of Gandhi studies in China is therefore necessary for both its further development inside China and its knowledge outside of China.

Shaped by both domestic and international politics, in the course of nearly a century the development of Gandhi studies in China has gone through three major stages: the first stage is from early 1920s to mid 1950s, the second from late 1950s to late 1970s, and the third from early 1980s till the present day. In turn, the three stages witness three waves of flourishment of Gandhi studies; while the first two waves both ended with a decline in interest and output, the third wave is gaining momentum and growing in strength. This paper will focus on the first two decades of the third stage from early 1980s to late 1990s, aiming to make an overview of Gandhi studies in Mainland China during these two decades from both a synchronical and diachronical perspective to uncover its courses, contexts, themes and features.

Stage three: the first sub-period from early 1980s to late 1980s

Starting from the early 1980s, Gandhi studies in China emerged from the low ebb in the preceding two decades and entered into its third wave of flourishment which continues up to date.

Diachronically speaking, the third stage witnesses an amazing growth of Gandhi studies in both quanlity and in quality. Incomplete estimates find that this on-going stage generates nearly 60 books (4 in the 1980s, 17 in the 1990s, and 37 since 2000), 160 academic articles (63 in the 1980s, 29 in the 1990s, and 66 since 2000), and over 140 non-academic articles (22 in the 1980s, 7 in the 1990s, and 114 since 2000).

The flourishment has much to do with the change in the overall socio-political context in China, and by extention, in the academic environment. The open-door policy and reform in the late 1970s put an end to the grand strategies featuring “political campaign in command” and “class struggle as the key line” and urshered in a new era. For academic research, this means a more liberal atomosphere, increase in exchanges with the outside world, continuous ideational updates, and boost of objective spirit and scientific approach. Around the same period of time, changes in the international politics were also favorable to such development. The end of the Cold War tuned down confrontation along ideological cleavages and encouraged pluralism and diversity in academic research.

Synchronically speaking, the development of Gandhi studies in China in this stage displays some notable differences from those of the preceding two stages.

Subjective and emotional debates were replaced by objective and rational academic discussion; both the number of participants and the scope of research interests increase exponentially; different from the ups and downs in the preceding stages, the growth of Gandhi studies in this stage shows no sign of decline. Overall, such a growth can be divided into three sub-periods, each with its own features. Here in this paper, I’ll focus on the first two sub-periods and leave the third to another separate paper, owing to the length of the paper.

The first sub-period, the 1980s marked the swift arrival of the third climax in Gandhi studies. Most academic findings were the fruit of work by Chinese experts in South Asian studies, providing invaluable paradigms and references for future researches. In the following paragraphs I will make an overview of related publications based on the topics in both academic and non-academic fields.

In the academic field, topics of interest cover the following eight aspects of Gandi studies.

First, studies and introduction of the life of Gandhi, which can be further divided into three types. (1) Publications in the form of book included three biographies and one edited volume.¹ The 15 papers in the edited volume included both conference proceedings and other previously published journal articles, touching upon various aspects of Gandhi studies.²

(2) Articles reviewing and evaluating Gandhi studies home and abroad, ranging from Gandhi studies in the US³, the four-round debates on Gandhi in the USSR and the Comintern⁴, Gandhi studies in China⁵, to reviews of books on Gandhi studies.⁶

(3) Articles analyzing and exploring the life of Gandhi, be it Gandhi’s unique personality traits (his patriotism, asceticism, altruism, humidity and humbleness)⁷, the death of Gandhi (the cultural and political clashes in modern India as represented by the assassin and the assassinated)⁸, Gandhi’s hunger strikes⁹, Gandhi’s struggle in South Africa¹⁰, Gandhi’s constructive programmes¹¹, or introductions of the life of Gandhi.¹²

Second, evaluation of Gandhi. Overall, three opinions could be found. In the first opinion, in the entire process of the Indian national movement, Gandhi was the central figure inspiring and leading the Indian nation in their anti-British nationalist struggle. As one scholar saw it, “in terms of Gandhi’s contribution to the end of the British colonial rule in India and the promotion of the course of Indian national independence, such a positive evaluation of Gandhi is faithful to historical facts.”¹³ With his engagement in the national movement, Gandhi’s position and attitude toward the British Empire evolved from “a loyal pro-British supporter and collaborator to a steadfast dissident and non-collaborator.” Viewed in its entirety, Gandhi’s main contributions and activities were worth approving.¹⁴

In the second opinion, as a representative of the bourgeois, Gandhi displayed the dual character as both a revolutionary and a compromiser. While his contributions to the Indian nationalist movement were praiseworthy, there should be no denial of his negative influence on the same movement.¹⁵

In sharp contrast, the third opinion found that “Gandhi was the representative of the reactionary force.”¹⁶ “Despite his fame and his actual role of leadership in the national liberation movement, Gandhi had always remained in the right-wing camp of the nationalist movement.”¹⁷ Gandhi’s dual character in the movement “is known to all, but tributes to it, as some does now, would twist its historical authenticity into a myth.”¹⁸

Third, studies on Gandhi’s Non-violence (Ahimsa), mainly looking into four aspects. (1) Exploration of its sources. For some scholars, of the various sources of inspiration – whether religious doctrines from Hinduism, Buddhism, Janism, Christianity or philosophical idea of Tolstoy, the influence of Hindusim was the strongest, which explained the popularity of Satyagraha.¹⁹ This opionion, however, was contested by another group of scholars who found it unfaithful to the actual history in India.²⁰

(2) Analysis of the meanings of Non-violence. Scholars found it a concept of high complexity. It was more than a simple policy in the rejection of violence. Intricately linked to the other highly abstract concepts such as Truth, Love and God, Non-violence was a spiritual force. To pursue Truth and to stick to Non-violence were the same, and peace through non-violent means equaled peace through love.²¹ The three dimensions of meanings embodied in Gandhi’s Non-violence – a belief, a set of moral norms and political means – could not subject to arbitrary interpretation. At an individual level, Non-violence required everyone to be self-purified, civilized, and ready to endure self-suffering, and observe the laws in his/her country voluntarily.

(3) Analysis of Gandhi’s practice of Non-violence, i.e. the Satyagraha movement, or the non-violent resistance movement or non-cooperation movement. Based on systematic analyses on the succession of such movements, a number of scholars identified three features, namely, unprecedented popular mobilization, long-term continuation, and unique diversity. Through“hartel”, the Satyagraha movement expanding over the course of a quarter of a century was the primary form of struggle in Indian people’s quest for national liberation; its record was not that of a total failure, nor that of a conservative or compromise.²² The analyses of the “Quit India” movement led some scholars to announce the eventual death of Gandhi’s ideal of non-violence, while Gandhi’s call on Indians to Karo ya maro (“Do or die”) failed to force the British out of India, his principle of Ahimsa vanished from the mind of the Congressmen.²³ Other researches on Gandhi’s practice of Satyagraha included investigation on the early movement²⁴, summary of the doctrince and the succession of movements, and the training camp (ashrams).²⁵

(4) Evaluation of Gandhi’s Non-violence. For most scholars, despite its limitations, the essence of Non-violence resistence movement led by Gandhi was progressive and revolutionary; its anti-imperialist and anti-colonial nature helped promote Indian national liberation movement. Some scholars strongly believed that Non-violence had exerted some progressive impact on Indian history, which deserved acknowledgement and credit.²⁶ But for some, as guiding principle and ideoglogy for nationalist movement, Non-violence was some what reactionary against the trend of history; when put into practice, the result was unsuccessful.²⁷

Fourth, studies of Gandhism, focusing mainly on the following four aspects. (1) On the emergence and origin of Gandhism, key arguments can be summed up as follows. A product of the interplay between ethnic conflict and class conflict in India, Gandhism was “tailor-invented” for the need of Indian national bourgeoisie; in resolving two historical tasks, i.e. Indian independence and creation of a new state, Gandhism was formed gradually; while subject to various kinds of influence, the orientation of Gandhism was greatly determined by the un-balanced economic development in India and Gandhi’s previous practices in South Africa and his position in India; the origin of Gandhism contained both traditional Indian elements and foreign elements.²⁸

(2) On the definition and nature of Gandhism, scholars provided various viewpoints as follows. Developed in the early-20th-century Inida, Gandhism was a system of ideas with Non-violence at its core, which rejected colonial rule and strove for India self-determination and independence; a complete system of ideas, Gandhism covered all aspects of social life, but the guidance it provided was in abstract terms; an ideology typical to the Indian national bourgeoisie, Gandhism was the ideological weapon employed by the big bourgeoisie in the nationalist movement; Gandhism was not only the ideology and theory behind Indian national liberation movement, it was also the guiding principle for the political life in the independent state of India.²⁹

(3) Analyzing the content and core of Gandhism, scholars identified the following elements. As for its content, it included the view of Truth in a religious sense, the view of Indian Swaraj, political strategy of nonviolence and noncooperation, economic ideas of promoting hand-weaving and spinning, social theory of trusteeship, life principle of being contented in poverty and devoted to spiritual things, strategic thinking along the line of national united front as found in the call for the elimination of the untouchables and the unity of the Hindu and Muslim communities, as well as his rare and commendable personality. As for its core, it included the pursuit of Truth and the adherence to Non-violence, whose most prominent feature lay in the fact it served as trinity of doctrine, guidline and strategic approach.³⁰

(4) On the role and status of Gandhism, scholars stressed three principles in evaluating Gandhism, namely, a good grasp of its essence, a differentiation between its essential aspects and aspects of secondary importance, and evaluation from a develeopmental point of view. In this essence, Gandhism strove for Indian independence, rejected the British colonial rule and thus exerted progressive impact on the anti-imperialist national liberation movement in India. The impact of Gandhism was not confined to India alone but was felt on a global scale, especially among some East Asian countries. It should be regarded as an important heritage in the civilization of the mankind. At the same time, we should be aware of the negative influence of Gandhism due to its strong idealistic Utopian vision.³¹

Fifth, the study of Gandhi’s thought, mainly looking into the following four aspcts. (1)The analysis of Gandhi’s system of ideas investigated its background and origin as well as its content and features. Gandhi’s sytem of ideas was formed between 1888 and 1914 when Gandhi pursued his studies in the UK and worked for overseas Indians in South Africa prior to the outbreak of WWI. Among its multiple sources of inspiration – both from India and from the West, traditional Indian ideas remained its hardcore. Such a combined source of inspiration led to both the uniqueness and the complexity of Gandhi’s system of ideas. This system could be further divided into four dimensions. At the philosophical dimension, it was a view of Truth in both political and religious sense with the concept of love as its core; at the political dimension, it advocated self-rule and decentralization of power down to the level of village and commune via non-violent means; at the economic dimension, the promotion of hand-weaving and spinning emphasized economic self-reliance; and at the social dimension, it called for a harmonious society with no discrimination against the untouchables and unity between the Hindu and Muslim communities. With the above four dimensions integrated into one single system, Gandhi’s system of ideas was highly complex. Such complexity manifested a close link between Gandhi’s political thinking and religious views and his concerns for both big bourgeoisie and small producers.³²

(2) The analysis of Gandhi’s political views mainly covered his early views in South Africa, his view of Indian self-rule, and his view of the body politic for an independent India. Already in South Africa Gandhi had developed an early paradigm of political thoughts. At the center of the paradigm was the rule of law inspired by the British bourgeoisie. The goal was to strive for equal legal status between Indians and British in the British Empire, his practice in South Africa being the endeavor to establish the first foothold. The tactics was incremental popular mobilization over a long period of time in the Fabian style, that is, to mobilize as many people as possible – Indians of various factions and British alike – to form one united national front.³³ At the core of Gandhi’s political thinking, the notion of Indian Swaraj (self-rule) contained two meanings. On one hand, self-rule meant national independence. Analyses found that 1919 marked a watershed in Gandhi’s strategy for the realization of national self-rule. Prior to 1919, self-rule for Gandhi meant the obtainment of the dominion status for India within the British Empire by means of cooperation with the British authority; after 1919, Gandhi switched his advocacy to fully-fledged independence for India via non-coorperation movement. On the other hand, self-rule involved the kind of body politic to adopt in an independent India. Here Gandhi’s vision of a country constituent of an agglomeration of autonomous and self-reliant small village communities came close to that of anarchy.³⁴

(3) The analysis of Gandhian economics mainly looked into its content, especially in rual economy, the moral views behind, and its influence. Scholars found that Gandhian economics was made up of eight pillars, namely, his views of the function of machine, rural economy, industry, economic system, trusteeship, common prosperity (Savodaya), economic equality and low consumption. Gandhian economics remained influential and popular in India and was put into practice, as evidenced by the Sixth Five Year Plan put forward by the ruling Janata Party.³⁵ The uniqueness of Gandhian economics was to be found in its rural economic pattern which featured self-sufficient rual communities, whether family or village commuity as the basic unit of production, a structure of production integrating agriculture and handicraft production, a balance between rual economy and large-scale municipal industry, and maintenance of harmony between the moral spirit and the material life. Among these, the most striking was his view as well as practice of the relationship between ethics and rual economy. Departing from a denouncement of western materialism, Gandhi constructed his theory of rurual economy based on the notions of economic justice and equality. In practice, Gandhi’s rural economic ideas took the main form of the “hand-weaving and spinning movement”. Gandhi’s ideas of rural economy and the ethics behind should be viewed as a main manifestation of the cultural response by the Indian society to the impact of the wave of modernization from the capitalist western world.³⁶

(4) A number of studies on Gandhi’s thought deciphered its content and features along ethical, philosophical, religious and social lines. Two principles – Truth and Non-violence – were found to be at the heart of his philosophy with the former being the end and the latter being the means. Gandhi’s social view consisted of such principles as “non-coorperation”, “change of heart”, “trusteeship”, and “common prosperity.”³⁷ The key contents of Gandhi’s religious view included a number of paired conceptions such as Hinduism-moral religion, God-Truth, non-violence-love, and asceticism-self-purification. The religious view of Gandhi showed the distinct features of a strong adherence to Hindu tradition but at the same time moralization, secularization and mystification of religion.³⁸ Key components in Gandhi’s moral and ethical views included a firm belief that Revelation originated from morality, the faith in the goodness of human nature which lay basis for his moral doctrine, advocacy of love as the basic code of conduct for human behavior, and ascetic practices as the basic means to realize love. The key moral norms advocated by Gandhi ranged from non-violence, asceticism, fearlessness, self-scrifice, perseverance, loyalty, bread-labor, gender equality, to fear of god. While carrying strong mystical color and obvious religious form, Gandhi’s moral ethics had many positive and progessive elements, a reflection of Gandhi’s desire for national independence and social equality.³⁹ Gandhi’s asceticism had a wide range of meanings. For individuals, it required one to exercise self-restraint over one’s desire, be contented in poverty, maintain a vegetarian diet, and be ready to endure suffereing and to make self-sacrifice. In a broader sense, asceticism for Gandhi was closely associated with such notions as the pursuit of Truth, Non-violence, respect of life, and universal love. Gandhi’s asceticism was, therefore, not only an embodiment of his belief, but also a set of principles to guide social practices and a powerful political weapon.⁴⁰

Sixth, on Gandhi’s class attribute, scholars were divided between two opposing views. Gandhi was identified either as the representative of the bourgeoisie or that of the peasantry and small producers. Of both views, there existed some nuanced differences.

Putting Gandhi in the bourgeoisie camp, one opinion held that “Gandhi mainly represented the interst of the national bourgeoisie in India; he was the ideal political leader in the nationalist movement.”⁴¹ Then a second opinion found that “Gandhi was the spokeman of the national bourgeoisie, or more precisely, the representative of the upper class.”⁴² And a third opinion took Gandhi to be the reprentatie of “the interest of the big bourgeoisie.” It should be noted that the author also made a comparsion of the composition of bourgeoisie in China and in India at the time. While the bourgeoisie in China could be sub-categorized into the national bourgeoisie and the comprador bourgeoisie, the bourgeoisie in India was rather uniformed as a class, predominated by the big bourgeoisie.⁴³

For scholars who held the opposite opinion, Gandhi represented “neither the bourgeoisie nor the landlord class but the small peasantry in India.”⁴⁴ As Gandhi’s appeals “mainly reflected the interests, desires and wishes of the small peasantry in India,” ⁴⁵ he was “the spokeman for the small peasantry.”⁴⁶

Seventh, some analyses were devoted to the study of the relationship between Gandhi and the Indian National Congress (INC). Based on an investigation of the more than three decades long “coalition” between Gandhi and the INC, Wang Chun argued that “although Gandhi fulfilled the need of the Indian bourgeoisie and its political party, the INC, for an ideal and iconic figure, Gandhi and his Satyagraha remained for the latter mere political instruments. Under such circumstances, the “ruptures” between Gandhi and the INC time and again were simply inevitable.” Despite the fact that from the announcement of his withdrawl from the INC in 1934 to his assassination in 1948, Gandhi was not a registered member of the INC, “he remained the de facto leader of the INC and its consultant,” simply because the politicians in the INC still needed the influence of Gandhi and his non-violence technique. Once India became independent, the bourgeoisie “had in their hand the state power and no longer saw the necessicity of popular mobilization,” the “coalition” between Gandhi and the INC ended.⁴⁷

Similar conclusion was drawn from another study of the relations between Gandhi and the INC from 1939 to 1942 where Gandhi was twice removed from the position of the party leader and twice re-installed. For the INC, “it was all up to the party’s authorities to decide in accordance with their policy priority when to worship Gandhi as the spiritual leader and when to dump him aside as a used political instrument.”⁴⁸

Eighth, a number of scholars also analyzed from various angle the relationship between Gandhi and China. In an article entitled “Gandhi and China”, Yuan Chuanwei made a preliminary overview of such a relationship, looking into (1) Gandhi’s sympathy with the Chinese laborers in South Africa and his denoucement of the British opium trade in China, (2) Gandhi’s concern with social progress in China and his encouragement of China to learn from advanced western experiences, (3) Gandhi’s moral support to the anti-Janpanese war in China and his hope for brotherly coorperation between the two nations, (4) Gandhi’s appreciation of the long-term Sino-Indian friendship and his desire to visit China. Yuan pointed out that “we Chinese cherish the memory of his great contribution to Indian independence and above all the memory of his sympathy, encouragement and moral support to the Chinese nation when we were in the most difficult time.”⁴⁹

In one chapter entitled Gandhi’s Friendly Affection toward Chinese People in his book, Lin Chengjie made a similar overview, pointing out (1) Gandhi’s help to the Chinese people and his concern for progress in China, (2) his sympathy for the Chinese anti-imperialist patriotic struggle, (3) his opposition to the Japanese invasion of China, (4) his concern for the promotion of Sino-Indian cultural exchanges, (5) his unfulfilled dream to visit China. As Lin pointed out, “Chinese people held Gandhi in high esteem, not only for all he had done for Indian national independence but also for his contribution to Sino-Indian friendship.”⁵⁰

Huang Xinchuan also made another brief overview of the relationship between Gandhi and China and pointed out that “Gandhi was very friendly to Chinese people and remained concerned about the course of Chinese revolution. The Chinese people shall forever cherish the moral and material supports Gandhi had provided China in her time of most difficulty.”⁵¹ Based on personal experience, Wei Fengjiang also gave an account of the friendship between Gandhi and China.⁵²

In the non-academic field in this sub-period, there were mainly two kinds of publications. The first kind was film reviews of the Oscar-winning film Gandhi (1982) which stirred up the whole world and aroused strong reaction from China as well. More than dozen articles introduced, commented and reflected the film, including its shooting⁵³, plot⁵⁴, actor⁵⁵, why it was so popular⁵⁶, the translation of the film script⁵⁷, etc.

The second kind was Gandhi’s anecdotes and sidelights (random notes), including the stories about Gandhi’s promotion of Nehru⁵⁸, about Gandhi and Tao Xingzhi⁵⁹, the vegetable Gandhi liked eating⁶⁰, Gandhi on account books⁶¹, visit to Gandhi tome and residence⁶², how to learn from the news coverage of Gandhi’s assassination to write general news.⁶³

III. Stage three: the second sub-period from early 1990s to late 1990s

In the second sub-period, i.e. 1990s, two new developments could be noted in the further expansion of Gandhi studies. First, the number of books increased rapidly to a total of 17, touching upon various aspects of Gandhi’s life. As most books belonged to book series, they reached a wider readership. Second, despite a small drop in the number of academic articles, new research fields were explored, as in the case of comparative studies on Gandhi. In the following paragraphs we will make an overview of related publications based on different topics in both academic and non-academic fields.

In the academic field, topics of interest cover the following four aspects of Gandi studies.

First, introduction and studies of the life of Gandhi. Almost all 17 books published in the 1990s were biographies of Gandhi. Among six translated books, four gave regular biographical accounts of Gandhi and two focused on Gandhi’s leashership.⁶⁴ The remaining 11 books were biographies of Gandhi compiled by Chinese scholars, with one devoted to the adolescent years in Gandhi’s life.⁶⁵ It should be noted that all these biographies of Gandhi belonged to various book series, for instance, Series of Biographies of the World Celebrities, Series of Biographies of the World Historical Celebrities, Series of Biographies of the World Giants, Series of Biographical Stories of the Century-Figures, Retrospecting the Century: the Biographies of the World Celebrities in the 20th Century, Series of Biographies of the Foreign Celebrities: Pocket Books, Series of Foreign Historical Figures, Series of Stories of Chinese and Foreign Heros, Series of Chinese and Foreign Celibrities, The Teen-Age of the Chinese and Foreign Celebrities: Book Series, Series of Biography of Hundred Giants, Series of Biography of Those Who Helped the World, etc. Apart from the book publications, two articles gave an account of the transformation of Gandhi’s position from collaboration with the British to non-coorperation and the resonance of the civil disobidence movement led by Gandhi in China.⁶⁶

Second, in line with the studies done in the 1980s, various studies on Gandhi’s doctrine of non-violence continued to focus on the following three aspects.

(1) Exploration of its origin. General consensus held that the birth of doctrine of non-violence was neither a shere impulse of Gandhi, nor a result of coincidence. Instead, it was closely related to the religious traditions in India, the social-political context at the time, and Gandhi’s complex personal experience and social contacts.⁶⁷

(2) Evaluation of Gandhi’s doctrine of non-violence. In this aspect, Chinese scholars had reached a general consensus, regarding that Gandhi was an influential historical figure in Indian nationalist history as well as global anti-colonial movement for national self-determination, and the non-violent non-cooperatoin movement advocated by him palyed an important role in Indian national movement and the historical development of India.⁶⁸

(3) As for the characteristics of Gandhi’s doctrine of non-violence, Chinese scholars found it similar to a kind of religion based on love and advocating love. And yet at the same time, the Messaiah-like concern Gandhi injected in the doctrine of non-violence was oriented to the secular world and to the entire humanity. The combination of religious element and elements of nationalism and patriotism rendered Gandhi’s doctrine of non-violence a unique appeal. In consequence, Gandhi’s nationalism and patriotism was universal, transcending narrow-minded nationalism.⁶⁹

Third, in studying Gandhi’s ideas, Chinese researchers mainly looked into five aspects. (1) The key factors contributing to the formation and transformation of Gandhi’s ideas and the essence of his ideas. To account for the high complexity and controversy in Gandhi’s system of thoughts, Chinese researchers looked at the interplay between various factors, including the specific social and historical context in India at the time, the cultural tradition in Hindusim, western culture and ideas, the ideas of key members of INC in the early years, and the social experiments and practice of Gandhi in South Africa and India.⁷⁰ At the centre of his thinking, Gandhi attached great importance to human value and human capacity, evidenced by his views of state, human nature, and decentralization of power.⁷¹

(2) Gandhi’s religious thinking. Here, Chinese scholars mainly discussed Gandhi’s religious outlook, his religious view of life, and the relationship between his religious view and political ideas. Individual is the central figure around which Gandhi constructed his religious outlook; God in Gandhian sense was equaled to Truth i.e. morality, devoid of mysticism.⁷² The foundation of Gandhi’s system of thinking was his unique view of life whose uniqueness was derived from its religious and moral basis.⁷³ Gandhi’s religious thinking and his political ideas were intricatedly interlocked in a mutually inter-dependent and yet contradictory relationship. While his political concerns led to his religious reflections, such reflections were also influenced by his political opinions. In interpreting his understanding of religion in terms of the need of poltical struggle, the political philosophy of Gandhi was equally a philosophy in religious sense. Through his relentless advocacy of non-violence and love, Gandhi devoted his entire life to creating the combination of politics and religion.⁷⁴

(3) Gandhi’s view of denouncing industrialization. It should be regarded as the swan song by a great thinker living in the British colony. Behind his rejection of industializaiton and urbanization was Gandhi’s dream for national independence and his great attachment to tradition. Transcending beyond the geographical and temporal boundaries, Gandhi’s view of denouncing industrialization resonated among some of his contemporaries in other colonized countries.⁷⁵

(4) Gandhi’s view on education. As an integral part of Gandhi’s system of thinking, his view on education not only had its own unique and comprehensive content, but also reflected and complemented his views on philosophy, politics, economics, and social affairs. It was thus also one of the central pillars of Gandhi’s system of thinking. Briefly speaking, Gandhi’s view on education could be summarized as “four levels” and “five elements”, namely, pre-school education, school education, adult education, and self-learning; spiritual training, intellectual training, physical training, vocational training and aesthetic training.⁷⁶

(5) Gandhi’s view on women. Equally a key component of his system of thinking, Gandhi nevertheless showed some limitation in this regard. Conditioned by his historical and social background, Gandhi did not break the conventional gendre stereotype and failed to put out the path to realize gender equality. After all, Gandhi’s view on women was subject to his non-violent non-cooperation movement.⁷⁷

Fourth, comparative studies on Gandhi and other personelities, mainly including six personalities. (1) On Gandhi and Nehru. In a doctoral thesis entitled Gandhi and Nehru, the author made a systematic exploration of the complex relationship between these two leading figures in Indian independence movement. In author’s opinion, both divergences and dialogues intertwined throughout the whole process of political cooperation between Gandhi and Nehru. Gandhi and Nehru diverged in a wide range of issues, ranging from the ojectives and the approaches of national movement to their design for a future India. Such divergences persisted throughout their cooperation in different stages. At the same time, despite these divergences, Gandhi and Nehru engaged in continuous dialogues, both in their actions and in their ideologies. Due to the different personal background and early experiences, some of the divergences were deep-seated; some were the results of two distinct personalities and different leadship styles. What was truly amazing was the fact that such huge divergences never split Gandhi and Nehru apart; the two fought side by side and remained sincere to each other. Mere political considerations could not have sustained such a long-term cooperation. It was their mutual commitment to the cause of national liberation, their love of the country and their personal qualities that make it possible. In such a relationship, there was no subordination, nor domination. Complementary and mutual dependent, both parties were ready to make compromise and receptive to influence from the other party. In its essence, the relationship between Gandhi and Nehru was of symbolic significance for the entire Indian nation. The divergences and dialogues between them were the mirror reflection of the friction and fusion of modernism and traditionalism in India. Through their divergences and dialogues, the national movement in contemporary India grew in strength and the foundation of India today was laid.⁷⁸ In a study of the debate over the choice of national flag between Gandhi and Nehru, the author found this debate to be a reflection of differences between the two in their political ideas, their understandings of Indian cultural tradition and the independence movement.⁷⁹

(2) Comparative studies between Gandhi and Tolstoy, mainly comparing the religious thinking and worldviews of the two and examining Tolstoy’s influence on Gandhi. It was generally agreed that of all western ideas, those of Tolstoy had the greatest and more far-reaching impact on Gandhi. Gandhi not only inherited the religious ethics and social ideas from Tolstoy but also put them into practice. Despite the similarities, some differences were inevitable due to their different social backgrounds and unique personal traits. Gandhi was not a mere copycat of Tolstoy in his religious thinking. By modification, Gandhi further improved and transcedended Tolstoy’s religious ideas. In his worldview, Tolstoy displayed a contradictory dualism featuring which contained on the one hand progressive element in its critical advocacy of socialism and democracy for the peasantry, and yet on the other hand negative elements as in its strong religious consciousness. Similar contradictory dualism could also be detected in Gandhi and his worldview.⁸⁰

(3) Comparative studies between Gandhi and Sun Yat-sen mainly focused on their visions of socialism. These studies found that both Gandhi and Sun Yat-sen were critical of western civilization and advocated socialism. Both Gandhi and Sun Yat-sen had discussed at length “socialism” – a concept rich in meaning; Both similaries and differences could be found in the economic and political dimensions of socialism in their discussions. On the economic dimension, similarities could be found in Gandhi’s notion of “non-possession” and “economic equality” and Sun Yat-sen’s ideals of “the world as one” and “equality in wealth and poverty”; the “trusteeship” proposed by Gandhi was close to Sun’s policies of “equalization of land ownership” and “land-to-the-tiller”. Similarly, both Gandhi and Sun Yat-sen considered that major industries and big business across the country should be state-owned. However, in the development strategy to bring about ecomonic prosperity, Gandhi called for the revival of rural economy while Sun Yat-sen stressed the “salvation of the nation through industry and commerce”. At the political dimension, both Gandhi and Sun Yat-sen advocated liberty, equlity and fraternity; they both took the people as the real masters of the state, enjoying equality in both political and economic life; for them, governmental officials were public servants for the people. As for the state, both Gandhi and Sun Yat-sen found it to be an organ of violence. In criticizing the hypocratic, selfish and autocratic nature of western parliamentarianism, both Gandhi and Sun Yat-sun advocated small central government and maximum power decentralization. While both considered the elimination of the state as the final political goal, Sun Yat-sen forecast the end of state in the distant future but Gandhi urged for immediate limitation of state power and speedy transition to “anarchy” after India became independent.⁸¹

(4) Comparative studies between Gandhi and Mustafa Kemal Atatürk mainly looked into their economic ideas. The differences between the two were obvious. In industry, strongly against capitalist industry, Gandhi advocated revival of rural industry in India, mainly small industry as represented by handmade textile industry. In sharp contrast, Kemal pushed for economic modernization in Turky through modern capitalist industrialization with the use of big machinery, new technologies and other modern tools for industrial production. In agriculture, Gandhi called for the restoration of the traditional patriarchal rual organization; and the revival of self-sufficient rural economy based on agriculture and handicraft by combining the traditional patriarchal rual organization with the guild organization in industry. Kemal urged the development of capitalist agrigulture by use of new technology, machninary and captitalist mode of production. Although Gandhi and Kemal differed in their economic ideas and policies, they shared a common vision in the development of their respective national economy, i.e. independence and self-reliance. The fact that Gandhi and Kemal adopted different approaches to the achievement of similar objective was a clear manifestation of the unity and diversity in the nationalist movements in the oriental world.⁸²

(5) Comparative studies between Gandhi and Ambedkar mainly explored the differences in the emancipation of the untoucheables. While sharing the common goal of emancipating the untoucheables, Gandhi and Ambedkar differed greatly in their views and approaches, to the extent that some of their views were even in opposition. Their differences covered three aspects, i. e. their attitude toward the caste system (Gandhi held an affirmative attitude while Ambedkar rejected such a system), how to emancipate the untouchables (persuasion and education for Gandhi; determined struggle for Ambedkar), the relationship between the empaniction of the untouchables and the national liberation movement (for Gandhi, the latter took priority over the former; for Ambedkar, the former was of first priority). It should be pointed out that their differences were of secondary importance as for both Gandhi and Ambedkar, they shared the same final goal, i. e. the empaniction of the untouchables and the national liberation.⁸³

(6) Comparative studies between Gandhi and Martin Luther King and Nelson Mandela. The studies found that similar factors accounting for the success of the three non-violent resistant movements in the 20th century. First, the experience of rule of law and democratic tradition in these three countries (India, USA and South Africa) was a precondition for the success; second, the firm belief in the justice of their movements held by these three leaders and their perservance gained them widespread domestic and international support; a certain degree of violent resistance both in history and at the time was important cofactor.⁸⁴

In non-academic field, the publications could be summarized as three aspects. First, sidelights, covering the inside story of Gandhi’s failure in receiving Nobel Prize for peace.⁸⁵ Second, vedio products, some were Gandhi’s mono vedios while others were vedios of muti personalities including Gandhi.⁸⁶ Third, the introduction of architecture concerning Gandhi, such as Gandhi memorial, etc.⁸⁷

Conclusion

To sum up, the first two stages witnessed the ups and downs of Gandhi studies in China shaped by both national and international contexts. In spite of that, the first two stages did lay the foundation and displayed promising trend for the boosting of Gandhi studies in the coming stage.

First, the course of Gandhi studies underwent one from superficial to deep, from emotional and subjective to more rational and objective. In the first stage, Gandi studies was marked by then political imprint, either falling into the category of news reports and commentaries or carrying strong subjective flavor. The second stage witnessed a gradual moving toward more rational and academic track. But a series of polticial campaigns in China in the following decades put this move on halt suddenly. However, this move would resume strongly once the political situation changed. Actually, in the coming stage in post-Mao era, Gandhi studies emerged from the low ebb, urshered in new wave of flourishment, and entered into the track of objective and rational academic research.

Second, the cope of participants of Gandhi studies enlarged. In the first stage, the participants were basically intellectuals and nationalists and revolutionaries. In the second stage, the participants were mainly experts and scholars and intellectuals, especially those in universities and research institutions. In the coming stage in post-Mao era, the scope of participants would be unprecedentedly enlarging, showing a trend of popularization, extending to graduates, undergraduates, middle school teachers, freelances, NOGs etc.

Third, the field of research interests has been deepeneing. In the frist stage, the research interests mainly covered Gandhi's life, Gandhism and Satyagraha movements, etc. In the second stage, though the field of research was not extended, yet the debate over certain topics was more deepened. In the coming stage in post-Mao era, the field of research interests would be unprecedentedly expanding and deepening.

Notes and References:

1. D.Lapierre & L.Collings, Lette nuit la liberte, translated by Zhou Wanxiu and Wu Baozhang (Beijing: Xinhua Press, 1986); J. Briley, Gandhi, translated by Li Wang (Beijing: China Film Press, 1988); Ren Minggao, Mahatma Gandhi (Beijing: Commercial Press, 1987); Ren Minggao & Ning Ming, On Gandhi: the Proceedings of Gandhi Academic Seminar of Chinese Association for South Asian Studies (Shanghai: Shanghai Academy of Social Science Press, 1987).
2. Ren Minggao & Ning Ming, On Gandhi: the Proceedings of Gandhi Academic Seminar of Chinese Association for South Asian Studies (Shanghai: Shanghai Academy of Social Science Press, 1987).
3. Li Dongchun, “American Scholars’ Researches on Gandhi”, Journal of Jilin University, No.2 (1986), pp.93-96.

4. Chen Fengjun, “Four-Round Debates on Evaluation of Gandhi”, Trends of Recent Researches on the History of World, No.10 (1984), pp.34-38.

5. Yang Yusheng, “Research Summary on Gandhi Studies in Recent Ten Years”, South Asian Studies, No.3 (1989), pp.83-86.; Huang Sijun, “New Perspectives of Gandhi Studies –Indian History Symposium Sidelights”, Trends of Recent Researches on the History of World, No.5 (1985), pp.43-45.; Peng Shuzhi (ed.), “Studies of Gandhi”, Shaanxi History Studies Yearbook (Jan.1989); Yang Yusheng, “Index to Gandhi Studies since the Founding of People’s Republic of China”, South Asian Studies Quarterly, No.3 (1989), pp.70-72.

6. Liang Shuming, “To Read Several Books about the Achievement of Mahatma Gandhi”, South Asian Studies, No.2 (1988), pp.59-64.; Yuan Chuanwei, “A Brief Introduction of the Latest Booklist about Gandhi Research”, South Asian Studies, No.1 (1988), pp.83-87.

7. Peilun, Dongbenjian, “On the Unique Personality of Gandhi”, Collected Papers of History Studies, No.1 (1986), pp.71-77.

8. Jin Kemu, “On the Death of Gandhi”, South Asian Studies, No.4 (1983), pp.34-41.

9. Ren Minggao, “Gandhi’s Hunger Strikes”, Foreign History Knowledge, No.9 (1986), pp23-25.

10. Yan Fu, “The Early Experience of Indians in South Africa and Their Struggle under Gandhi’s Leadership”, Asian and African Issues Studies, No.2 (1980), pp.63-66.
11. Hu Shaohua, “On Gandhi’s Constructive Programs”, Journal of Historical Science, No.2 (1984), pp.110-111.
12. He Zhangrong, “Gandhi”, History Teaching, No.11 (1983), pp.51-52; Xu Ruimin, “Mahatma Gandhi of India”, South Asian Studies, No.3 (1984), pp.24-26; Geng Yan, “The Nation Father of India, Mahatma Gandhi”, World Knowledge, No.1 (1983), p.16.
13. Li Dasan, “Gandhi –A Historical Figure Who Deserve a Positive Evaluation”, Journal of Hebei University, No.1 (1981), pp.66-72.
14. Wu Chengping, “Further Opinions about Evaluation of Gandhi”, Journal of Shanghai Normal University, No.4 (1981), pp.72-80; Wu Chengping, “Further Comments on Evaluation of Gandhi”, Collected Papers of Modern History of World, No.8 (1982), pp.40-48.
15. Gao Kun, “Gandhi and Indian National Independence Movement”, in Ren Minggao & Ning Ming, On Gandhi: the Proceedings of Gandhi Academic Seminar of Chinese Association for South Asian Studies (Shanghai: Shanghai Academy of Social Science Press, 1987), pp.1-13.
16. Tang Yizhuang, “On Gandhi”, History of the World, No.3 (1981), pp.80-82.
17. Tang Yizhuang, “Discussion on Gandhi’s Political Role in the 1920s-1930s”, Journal of Historical Science, No.6 (1983), pp.71-75.
18. Tang Yizhuang, “Discussion of the Issue Concerning the Evaluation of Gandhi and Indian National Congress”, Journal of Soochow University, No.2 (1987), pp.137-142.
19. Tang Yizhuang, “An Analysis of the Ideological Sources of Gandhi’s Nonviolence”, Journal of Ningxia University, No.3 (1982), pp.42-47. Cai Yuantu, “On Gandhi’s Idea of Nonviolence”, Journal of Fuqing Branch of Fuzhou Normal University, No.3 (1986), pp.65-71.
20. Wang Chun, “‘Nonviolence’ Dwells in the Doctrines of Hinduism?”, World History, No. 9 (1986), pp.61-62.
21. Zhu Pingping, “On the Meaning of the Concept of Gandhi’s Nonviolence”, History Teaching and Research, No.5 (1988), pp.33-35.
22. Peng Shuzhi, “On Gandhi’s Satyagraha Movement”, History Teaching, No.1 (1986), pp.32-38.
23. Lin Chengjie, “Quit India Movement and Disillusion of Gandhi’s Ideal of Nonviolence”, South Asian Studies, No.1 (1987), pp.1-11.
24. Yuan Weichuan, “Champaran Indigo Peasants’ No-Rent Struggle in 1917 – Comments on Gandhi’s Satyagraha Movement in Bihar”, Collected Papers of World History, No. 2 (1983), pp.23-33; Yuan Chuanwei, “Gandhi and Indigo Peasants’ Movement in Bihar (1917—1918)”, South Asian Studies, No.6 (1987), pp.40-46.
25. Huang Sijun, “Gandhi and Satyagraha Movement”, Foreign History Knowledge, No.2 (1983), pp.43-45; Sun Lanying, “On Gandhi’s ‘Satyagraha’”, Journal of Luoyang Teachers College, No.1 (1985), pp.55-59; Ren Minggao, “The Base where Gandhi Trained Satyagrahis”, in Ren Minggao & Ning Ming, On Gandhi: the Proceedings of Gandhi Academic Seminar of Chinese Association for South Asian Studies (Shanghai: Shanghai Academy of Social Science Press, 1987), pp.137-146.
26. Zhang Yiping, “Basically Positive Evaluation Should Be Given to the Doctrine of Nonviolence”, World History, No. 3 (1981), pp.78-79; Zhang Yiping, “Reevaluation on Gandhi’s Nonviolence”, Journal of Henan Normal University, No.2 (1985), pp.79-83; Zhang Peixia, “On the Dispute of Gandhi’s Nonviolence”, Journal of Liaocheng Teachers College, No.3 (1988), pp.57-61.
27. Tang Yizhuang, “On Gandhi’s Nonviolence”, South Asian Studies, No.3 (1987), pp.33-71.
28. Lin Chengjie, “The Formation of Gandhism and the Establishment of Gandhi’s Leadership”, South Asian Studies, No.1 (1985), pp.14-28; Dong Benjian, “On the Origin of Gandhism and Its Historical Significance”, in Ren Minggao & Ning Ming, On Gandhi: the Proceedings of Gandhi Academic Seminar of Chinese Association for South Asian Studies (Shanghai: Shanghai Academy of Social Science Press, 1987), pp.68-80.
29. Feng Jun, “A Review of Gandhism—in Honor of the 120th Birthday Anniversary of Mahatma Gandhi”, International Politics Quarterly, No.3 (1989), pp.49-58.
30. Wu Chengping, “Of Gandhi and Gandhism”, Journal of Shanghai Normal University, No.1 (1980), pp.120-127; Chen Guangchong, “Gandhism Reflected in Gandhi, An Autobiography”, Journal of Institute of Southwestern Nationalities, No.4 (1985), pp.93-104.
31. Wang Chunliang, “On Two Questions Concerning Gandhism”, Historical Teaching, No.9 (1982), pp.41-44; Ning Ming, “Evaluation of Gandhism”, in Ren Minggao & Ning Ming, On Gandhi: the Proceedings of Gandhi Academic Seminar of Chinese Association for South Asian Studies (Shanghai: Shanghai Academy of Social Science Press, 1987), pp.163-175.
32. Peng Shuzhi, “The Wholeness and Uniqueness of Gandhi’s Thought”, Historical Research, No.6 (1985), pp.154-170.
33. Jin Kemu, “On Gandhi’s Initial Political Thought in South Africa”, South Asia Studies, No.3 (1983), pp.42-53.
34. Peng Shuzhi, “Gandhi’s Thought of Indian Self-Rule and His Outlook on State”, Collected Papers of History Studies, No.1 (1989), pp.60-67.
35. Yang Rende, “Indian Famous Figures in Modern History of Economic Thoughts and Gandhi’s Economic Ideas”, South Asia Studies Quarterly, No.3 (1986), pp.52-59.
36. Peng Shuzhi, “Gandhi’s Conception of Rural Economy and His Ethics”, South Asia Studies, No.3 (1989), pp.1-14.
37. Huang Xinchuan, “A Review of Gandhi’s Philosophical and Social Thoughts”, South Asia Studies, No.1 (1985), pp.1-13.
38. Wang Huiyun, “The Main Content and Characteristics of Gandhi’s Religious Thought”, World History, No.9 (1986), pp.18-24.
39. Zhu Mingzhong, “On Gandhi’s Ethics and Moral Thought”, South Asia Studies, No.3 (1988), pp.49-57.
40. Zhang Li, “On Asceticism in Gandhi’s Thought”, South Asian Studies Quarterly, No. 4 (1988), pp.42-53.
41. Lin Beidian, “Analysis on Several Different Opinions”, History of the World, No.3 (1981), pp.75-77.
42. Wang Zao, “Discussion on Gandhi”, Collected Papers of History Studies, No.1 (1981), pp.78-81.
43. Huang Sijun, “On Class Attribute of Gandhi and Nature of Indian Bourgeoisie”, World History, No.12 (1986), pp.9-21.
44. He Shengda, “Gandhi is the Great Representative of Indian Peasants”, History of the World, No.3 (1981), pp.77-78; He Shengda, “On the Class Attribute of Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi”, South Asian Studies, No.1 (1986), pp.30-38.
45. Wang Cunhua, “Gandhi --- Not A Political Representative of Indian National Bourgeoisie --- Discussion On Class Attribute of Gandhi”, Journal of Historical Science, No.5 (1987), pp.71-76.
46. Luo Chuanfang, Zhang Guangming, “Further Inquiry and Comment on Gandhi’s Class Attribute”, Journal of Historical Science, No.5 (1984), pp.90-94.
47. Wang Chun, “An Inquiry of the Relationship between Gandhi and Indian National Congress”, Journal of Historical Science, No.2 (1985), pp.89-95.
48. Min Guangpei, “Gandhi’s Being Removed from Power – A Brief Analysis of the Relationship between Gandhi and INC in 1939-1942”, in Ren Minggao & Ning Ming, On Gandhi: the Proceedings of Gandhi Academic Seminar of Chinese Association for South Asian Studies (Shanghai: Shanghai Academy of Social Science Press, 1987), pp.81-94.
49. Yuan Chuanwei, “Gandhi and China”, in in Ren Minggao & Ning Ming, On Gandhi: the Proceedings of Gandhi Academic Seminar of Chinese Association for South Asian Studies (Shanghai: Shanghai Academy of Social Science Press, 1987), pp.109-120.
50. Lin Chengjie, The History of Chinese-Indian Friendship: 1851-1949 (Beijing: Beijing University Press, 1993), pp.303-326.Though published in the early 1990s, this article was the only one of its kind since the 1990s, hence its summary included in this section.
51. Huang Xinchuan, “A Review of Gandhi’s Philosophical and Social Thoughts”, South Asia Studies, No.1 (1985), p.13.
52. Wei Fengjiang, “At Gandhi’s Home”, South Asian Studies, No.1 (1985), pp.66-76.
53. Cheng Qing, “The Filming of Gandhi”, Film Review, No.8 (1981), p.21.
54. Li Zhuangfan, “The English Film Gandhi”, World Cinema, No.3 (1983), pp.247-252; Xie Rongjin, “Gandhi (Film Introduction)”, World Film Trends, No.4 (1983), pp.23-25.; Zhang Zhiping, “The Film Gandhi Playbacks the Life of Mahatma Gandhi”, Wenhui Newspaper, February, 12, 1983.
55. Zi Qing, “Ben Kingsley—An Outstanding Actor who Played Gandhi”, World Culture, No.4 (1983), pp.65-67.
56. Zou Jie, Zhang Ruipeng, Dai Wennian, Liu Huijie, “Why does Gandhi Rock the World Cinema”, Film Review, No.6 (1983), p.54; Li Zhuangfan, “Gandhi—a Film that Shock the World Cinema”, Wenhui, No.6 (1983), pp.12-13.; Raul Singh, “Gandhi—A Unique Film”, translated by Tang Guiqing, World Culture, No.4 (1983), pp.29-31; Yang Kefang, Wen Nian, “Mahatma Gandhi Beats Guests from Outer Space”, Film Review, No.4 (1983), p.3.
57. Suo Wang, “Film Script Gandhi and I”, Reading, No.5 (1987), pp.90-93.
58. Huang Zidu, “‘Let the Wave Behind Impels Me’— Story about Gandhi’s Promotion of Nehru”, Foreign History Knowledge, No.1 (1983), pp.20-22.
59. “The Sino-Indian Friendship among Tao Xingzhi, Gandhi and Tagore”, Foreign History Knowledge, No.1 (1983), pp.30-33.
60. Yi Fu, “Daylily is also Gandhi’s Favorite”, World Culture, No.3 (1989), p.45.
61. Luo Liping, “Gandhi’s View of Account Books”, Sichuan Archives, No.2 (1987), p.16.
62. Gao Shumao, “Before RajGhat”, People’s Daily, Apr. 27th, 1981; Li Nan, “Visit to Mahatma Gandhi’s former residence”, Outlook Weekly, No.28 (1986), pp.36-37.
63. He Cheng,“How to Write General News< - Learning from the Assassination of Gandhi”, Reference for Foreign Reports, No.1 (1981), pp.11-12.
64. Kripalani, Gandhi: A life, translated by Chen Wujun and Li Yunmin (Beijing: China Renmin University Press, 1992); Michelle Nicholson, Gandhi, translated by Hou Minyue (Beijing: World Publishing Corporation, 1997); Raul Heimer, Gandhi, translated by Sun Yongmei and Zhang Shaoguang (Shijiazhuang: Hebei Education Press, 1999); Eknath Easwaran, Mahatma Gandhi: The Father of Nonviolence, translated by Lin Dongtao (Beijing: China Yanshi Press, 1998); Keshavan Nair, A higher standard of leadership: Lessons from the life of Gandhi, translated by Huang Jinfa (Beijing: Intellectual Property Publishing House, 1997); Steve Albrecht & John K. Clemens, The timeless leaders: Lessons on leadership from: Plato, Shakespeare, Churchill, Clausewitz, Gandhi, translated by Li Wanrong (Beijing: Kunlun Publishing House, 1999).
65. Yin Ziyun, Gandhi (Beijing: International Culture Publishing House, 1996); You Liwei, Gandhi (Beijing: China International Broadcasting Press, 1996); Liu Yuning, Mahatma Gandhi (Beijing: Bibliography Press, 1996); Xu Youzhen, Gandhi (Wuhan: Hubei Lexicographical Publishing House, 1996); Mi Kewei & Hu Linchun, Mahatma Gandhi (Beijing: Shi Shi Publishing House, 1997); Meng Zhaohui, Gandhi (Shenzhen: Haitian Press, 1997); Liu Yuning, Mohandas Gandhi (Beijing: Beijing Library Press, 1997); Song Zigang, Gandhi (Shenyang: Liaohai Publishing House, 1998); Luo Yicong & Wu Huaqun, The Story of Gandhi (Shantou: Shantou University Press, 1998); Zhao Guiyu, Gandhi (Kunming: Chenguang Press, 1998); Qiu Lijun & Xu Jingfen, Gandhi’s Juvenile Years (Beijing: Modern Press, 1997).
66. Lin Chengjie, “Repercussion in China of the Civil Disobedience Movement led by Gandhi from 1930 to 1933”, South Asian Studies, No.4 (1993), pp.15-23; Li Xiangyang, “Discussion on Gandhi’s Transition from Cooperativist to Noncooperativist”, Journal of Teachers College of Shanxi University, No.2 (1993), pp.4-6.
67. Feng Chunlong, “On the Sources of Gandhi’s Nonviolence”, Journal of Luoyang Teachers College, No.6 (1999), pp.80-82.
68. Guo Xiuru, “Basically Positive Evaluation Should Be Given to Gandhi’s Nonviolence”, Journal of Fuzhou Teachers College, No.3 (1994), pp.62-68; Wang Shangqing, “A New Understanding of Gandhi’s Nonviolence”, Journal of Yanbei Normal University, No.5 (1996), pp.50-51.
69. Li Yizhong, “On the Religious and Ethnic Aspects in Gandhi’s Nonviolence”, Journal of Anqing Normal University, No.4 (1996), pp.43-46.
70. Yu Mingjuan, Tang Xiaoli, “An Analysis of the Factors that Influence the Formation of Gandhi’s Ideology”, Journal of Taizhou Teachers College, No.4 (1999), pp.38-41.
71. Shang Quanyu, “Human Being—the Essence of Gandhi’s Thought”, South Asian Studies Quarterly, No. 3 (1991), pp.38-39.
72. Fang Erjia, “On Gandhi’s Religious Concept”, Journal of China Youth College for Political Science, No.1 (1997), pp.66-70.
73. Shang Quanyu, “Mahatma Gandhi’s Unique Religious Views of Life”, The Religious Cultures in the World, No. 2 (1997), pp.49-53.
74. Wu Hongyang, “The Relationship between Gandhi’s Religious Thoughts and Political Thoughts”, South Asian Studies Quarterly, No.3 (1991), pp.40-45; Li Jiefen, “On Gandhi’s Idea about Religions and Politics”, Journal of Shanghai Normal University, No.3 (1992), pp.108-112.
75. He Xinhua, “A Review of Anti-industrialism Advocated in Gandhism-An Analysis of Worldwide Ideological Trend of Anti-modernization”,South Asian Studies Quarterly, No. 1 (1999), pp.51-55.
76. Shang Quanyu, “Gandhi’s Ideas on Education”, South Asian Studies, No.3 (1992), pp.45-50.
77. Xiao Sha, “A Review of Mahatma Gandhi's View upon Women”, Zhejiang Academic Journal, No.1 (1999), pp.131-133.
78. Shang Quanyu, “The Differences of the Vision for the Future Society between Nehru and Gandhi”, South Asian Studies, No.3 (1994), pp.20-25; Shang Quanyu, “The Divergence on the Method of Indian National Movement between Nehru and Gandhi”, South Asian Studies Quarterly, No.1 (1996), pp.56-59; Shang Quanyu, “The Divergence on the Method and Goal of Indian National Movement between Nehru and Gandhi”, Journal of Zhanjiang Normal College, No.3 (1996), pp.1-8; Shang Quanyu, “On the Ideological Characteristics and Political Styles of Nehru and Gandhi”, Journal of Zhanjiang Normal College, No.1 (1997), pp.22-27; Shang Quanyu, “On the Substance and Significance of the Relationship between Nehru and Gandhi”, South Asian Studies Quarterly, No.2 (1997), pp.64-68; Peng Shuzhi, “On the Historical Interaction between Nehru and Gandhi”, South Asian Studies Quarterly, No.2 (1997), pp.61-63; Shang Quanyu, “On the Partnership of Nehru and Gandhi in Indian National Movement”, Journal of Zhanjiang Normal College, No.1 (1998), pp.33-38; Shang Quanyu, Historical Interaction between Nehru and Gandhi (Chengdu: Sichuan People’s Publishing House, 1999).
79. Zhuang Yougui, “The Symbol of Indian Independence Movement—Gandhi, Nehru and Indian National Flag”, International Politics Quarterly, No.2 (1990), pp.41-45.
80. Zhang Qianhong, Liu Yinping, “An Analysis of the Influence upon Gandhi by Tolstoy”, Journal of Historical Science, No.3 (1989), pp.106-112; Zhang Qianhong, Liu Yinping, “A Comparison of Thoughts between Gandhi and Tolstoy”, South Asian Studies Quarterly, No.3 (1990), pp.72-79; Li Yizhong, “Tolstoy's Religious Thoughts and Gandhi in South Africa Era”, Journal of Anqing Normal University, No.3 (1997), pp.44-48; Hu Guangli, “The Duality of Gandhi’s and Tolstoy’s Worldview”, Journal of Liaoning University, No.1 (1995), pp.60-62.
81. Li Pingmin, “Socialism Conceived by Gandhi and Sun Yat-Sen”, Journal of China Youth College for Political Sciences, No.5 (1993), pp.51-56.
82. Dai Jiamo, Shang Quanyu, “A Comparison of Economic Thoughts of Gandhi and Mustafa Kemal”, Journal of Hainan Normal University, No.3 (1999), pp.67-74.
83. Lin Li, “Mahatma Gandhi and B.R.Ambedkar’s Relation with the Movement for Saving the Harijan”, South Asian Studies Quarterly, No.3 (1992), pp.56-62.
84. Luo Xiaohui, “A Probe Into the Causes that Bring Success to the Three Non-violent Resistance Movements against Colonialism and Racialsim in the 20th Century”, The Journal of Hunan Education Institute, No.4 (1998), pp.38-40.
85. Huang Ling, “Inside Story of Gandhi’s failing in the Nobel Peace Prize”, Archives & Construction, No.1 (1999), p.5.
86. Gandhi - The End of An Empire (Videorecording) (Shenyang: Liaoning Culture & Arts Video Company, 1998); Celebrities in Political Circles (Videorecording) (Shanghai: Shanghai Video Company, 1998).
87. Stein, Dorsey, Bhalla, “Mahatma Gandhi Labour Institute, Ahmedabad, India”，World Architecture, No. 6 (1990), pp.31-32; V.G. Bupita，Liu Tonghao, “Mahatma Gandhi Monument in Delhi”, World Architecture, No.2 (1991), pp.20-21.

Note: I'm so grateful to my colleague Associate Professor Song Xiaokun for her great contribution to the English version of the paper.

* Shang Quanyu is history professor at South China Normal University's School of Foreign Studies, Guangzhou, PRC, a Gandian scholar, Email: shangquanyu@hotmail.com.