On the train to Patna,
8th May 1947
DEAR FRIEND,
It strikes me that I should summarize what I said and wanted to say
and left unfinished for want of time, at our last Sunday's meeting.
I
- Whatever may be said to the contrary, it would be a blunder of
first magnitude for the British to be party in any way whatsoever
to the division of India. If it has to come, let it come after the
British withdrawal, as a result of understanding between the parties
or [of] an armed conflict which according to Quaid-i-Azam Jinnah
is taboo. Protection of minorities can be guaranteed by establishing
a court of arbitration in the event of difference of opinion among
contending parties.
- Meanwhile the Interim Government should be composed either of
Congressmen or those whose names the Congress chooses or of Muslim
League men or those whom the League chooses. The dual control of
today, lacking team work and team spirit, is harmful for the
country. The parties exhaust themselves in the effort to retain
their seat and to placate you. Want of team spirit demoralizes
the Government and imperils the integrity of the services so essential
for good and efficient government.
- Referendum at the stage in the Frontier (or any province for
that matter) is a dangerous thing in itself. You have to deal with
the material that faces you. In any case nothing should or can be
done over Dr Khan Sahib's head as Premier. Note that this paragraph
is relevant only if division is at all to be countenanced.
- I feel sure that partition of the Punjab and Bengal is wrong in
every case and a needless irritant for the League. This as well
as all innovations can come after the British withdrawal not before,
except always for mutual agreement. WTiilst the British Power is
functioning in India, it must be held principally responsible for
the preservation of peace in the country. That machine seems to
be cracking under the existing strain which is caused by the raising
of various hopes that cannot or must not be fulfilled. These have
no place during the remaining thirteen months. This period can be
most profitably shortened if the minds of all were focused on the
sole task of withdrawal. You and you alone can do it to the exclusion
of all other activity so far as the British occupation is concerned.
- Your task as undisputed master of naval warfare, great as it
was, was nothing compared to what you are called to do now. The
singlemindedness and clarity that gave you success are much more
required in this work.
- If you are not to leave a legacy of chaos behind, you have to
make your choice and leave the government of the whole of India
including the States to one party. The Constituent Assembly has
to provide for the governance even of that part of India which is
not represented by the Muslim League or some States.
- Non-partition of the Punjab and Bengal does not mean that the
minorities in these Provinces are to be neglected. In both the Provinces
they are large and powerful enough to arrest and demand attention.
If the popular Governments cannot placate them the Governors should
during the interregnum actively interfere.
- The in transmissibility of paramountcy is a vicious doctrine,
if it means that they [the States can become sovereign and a menace
for Independent India. All the power wherever exercised by the British
in India must automatically descend to its successor. Thus the people
of the States become as much part of Independent India as the people
of British India. The present Princes are puppets created or tolerated
for the upkeep and prestige of the British power. The unchecked
powers exercised by them over their people is probably the worst
blot on the British Crown. The Princes under the new regime can
exercise only such powers as trustees can and as can be given to
them by the Constituent Assembly. It follows that they cannot maintain
private armies or arms factories. Such ability and statecraft as
they possess must be at the disposal of the Republic and must be
used for the good of their people and the people as a whole. I have
merely stated what should be done with the States. It is not for
me to show in this letter how this can be done.
- Similarly difficult but not so baffling is the question of the
Civil Service. Its members should be taught from now to accommodate
themselves to the new regime. They may not be partisans taking sides.
The slightest trace of communalism among them should be severely
dealt with. The English element in it should know that they owe
loyalty to the new regime rather than to the old and therefore to
Great Britain. The habit of regarding themselves as rulers and therefore
superiors must give place to the spirit of true service of the people.
II
- I had a very pleasant two hours and three quarters with Quaid-i-Azam
Jinnah on Tuesday last. We talked about the joint statement on non-violence.
He was agreeably emphatic over his belief in non-violence. He has
reiterated it in the Press statement which was drafted by him.
- We did talk about Pakistan-cum-partition. I told him that my
opposition to Pakistan persisted as before and suggested that in
view of his declaration of faith in non-violence he should try to
convert his opponents by reasoning with them and not by show of
force. He was, however, quite firm that the question of Pakistan
was not open to discussion. Logically, for a believer in non-violence,
nothing, not even the existence of God could be outside its scope.
Rajkumari Amrit Kaur saw the first eight paragraphs, the purport of
which she was to give to Pandit Nehru with whom I was to send you this
letter. But, I could not finish it in New Delhi, I finished it on the
train. I hope you and Her Excellency are enjoying your hard-earned rest.
Yours sincerely,
M.K. GANDHI
To
H.E. THE VICEROY, SIMLA
Mahatma Gandhi-Correspondence with the Government - 1944-'47, pp. 247-50
1 Lord Mountbatten
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